Religio-Political Nexus and Political Imaginary in Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-139
Author(s):  
Yulia Prozorova ◽  

The essay contributes to the discussion of the religio-political nexus by examining the interplay between the religious and the political and the dynamics of political imaginary evoked by the Christianization and reception of Christian political theology in Russia. After a cursory overview of theoretical foundations underpinning the religio-political problematic, the essay introduces political theology as a constitutive element of the religio-political nexus and its most emphatic forms of theocracy and sacral rulership. Political theology sheds light on the gravitation between the religious and the political and the meta-institutional potential of the religio-political nexus. The essay focuses on the creative appropriation of religious themes by political imaginary contributing to the institution of autocracy in Russia. Christian monotheism and religious worldviews along with Byzantine political theology introduced theocratic vision and comprised the conceptual-symbolic framework within which autocratic configuration of power was articulated and legitimized. The increasing dependence of the church on the secular authority and reinterpreta­tion of the doctrine of symphonia resulted into the caesaropapism associated with absolute autocracy. ‘Monistic unity’, unification of all powers subjugated and embodied by a sacralised autocratic ruler evolved in Russia as a paradigmatic pattern with long-lasting effects.

Worldview ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-7
Author(s):  
J. Bryan Hehir

There is a dimension of Catholic thought rooted in the Vatican Council that extends beyond it in a way that could have significant implications for the Church's role in the political order. The basis for a political theology lies in the Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modem World; the purpose of this document was to reformulate the perspective in which the Church understood and evaluated contemporary culture and defined her rote in it. Many observers have singled out this document as the one with the greatest potential for shaping the long-range development of the Catholic Church.


2016 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
SOPHIE CARTWRIGHT

This article explores the political theology of Athanasius' ‘Life of Antony’. It argues that the work is profoundly concerned with the relationship between the Church and the empire, which it treats as a component of the relationship between the Church and the fallen world order. Athanasius explores this issue through Antony, striving to live as a citizen of heaven within the fallen world. Athanasius sees allegiance to earthly authority as problematising allegiance to the heavenly kingdom, which is bound up with a concern for the Christian's identity: the Christian must understand himself and the world in relation to the kingdom of heaven, rather than the earthly kingdom.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (9) ◽  
pp. 3-15
Author(s):  
Agustinus Wisnu Dewantara

The political responsibility is important, not because of the need for the love of the homeland and the challenge of the disintegration of the nation in multicultural sphere, but must be born of deep Christian faith. This paper specifically addresses to the lay apostolate in socio-politics-society. The Catholic laity was also called to be salt and light in the political world. The emergence of some form of practical theology (such as liberation theology and political theology) affirms that concern. The theme of the laity will be juxtaposed with a review of the "political attitude" voiced by the prophets in Scripture. The hope is that the laity will become more aware of its social-political calling as part of the faithful life to sound prophetic voice in the world. The struggle of the Church into a prophetic power largely depends on the laity (and of course in good cooperation with the priests). The laity today are called to be new prophets to proclaim the truth without becoming part of the defilement itself


2017 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-310
Author(s):  
Eric Wickman

Writing in the half-century after the “conversion” of Constantine, Bishop Hilary of Poitiers wrote two works regarding Emperor Constantius II. The first,Ad Constantium, is a polite and formal letter, seeking an audience with the emperor. The second,In Constantium, is a harangue against the emperor. Some scholars have proposed that the difference in tone between these two documents indicates that Hilary had come to advocate for the emperor to be completely uninvolved in the affairs of the Church. Closer analysis reveals that Hilary always endorsed a position in which the emperor should be involved in ecclesiastical affairs, so long as he submitted to the higher authorities of scripture and the ancient apostolic faith. Hilary would have had no concerns with a pro-Nicene emperor enforcing proto-orthodox church councils and creeds. Prior to Hilary, most of Christianity had accepted imperial involvement in the Church. But the involvement of the Roman emperors in ecclesial matters caused many to have to consider the problems of someone outside of the Church making decisions for the Church. Hilary's efforts stand as one of the first western attempts to nuance and limit the emperor's ecclesiastical role.


MELINTAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 232-257
Author(s):  
Willy Gaut

Contemporary development of Christian political theology has been marked, among others, by a turn to liturgy. At first glance, such a turn might be easily associated with the sound principle of the inextricable connection between vita activa and vita contemplativa. The turn to liturgy, therefore, aims to affirm that mystics (the life of prayer) and politics (social engagement) should go hand in hand. However, does this classical idea stand as the sole reason for the turn to liturgy in the contemporary discussion in political theology? In this article, the author argues that while this classical argument still provides part of the answer to that question, the turn to liturgy in contemporary political theology to a considerable extent deals with the question of self-definition of the Church in exercising its political engagement. The turn to liturgy insists that the Church is inherently political, and thus its political significance is not defined by its relationship with the politics of the state alone. On the contrary, the political nature of the Church and its political role wells up from its identity as the sign and instrument of the Kingdom of God. As such, in its political engagement, the Church ought not to be considered merely as a social or voluntary organization.


Author(s):  
Timofey Dmitriev

The evolution of Thomas Hobbes’ political thought in the 1630s–1640s was marked by a considerable increase in an interest in the problems of the relations between politics and religion, and the state and the Church. This interest was expressed in his creation of the original conception of political theology, of which the most complete exposition is contained in his treatise Leviathan. In his concept of political theology, Hobbes saw an effective way to solve the theologico-political problem of modernity. At the heart of his political theology lays a new interpretation given by Hobbes to a number of doctrinal propositions of the Christian faith, which was designed to harmonize it with the absolute power of the temporal sovereign. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of those pragmatic strategies where Hobbes proposed to neutralize the explosive potential of the Christian religion for civil peace and the security of the state. It is also shown that the complete subordination of the Church to the State in the political theology of Hobbes served as a starting point for the impotent stage of the process of secularization of the Western world, which led to the separation of politics from religion, and the state from the Church.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustinus Dewantara

The political responsibility is important, not because of the need for the love of the homeland and the challenge of the disintegration of the nation in multicultural sphere, but must be born of deep Christian faith. This paper specifically addresses to the lay apostolate in socio-politics-society. The Catholic laity was also called to be salt and light in the political world. The emergence of some form of practical theology (such as liberation theology and political theology) affirms that concern. The theme of the laity will be juxtaposed with a review of the "political attitude" voiced by the prophets in Scripture. The hope is that the laity will become more aware of its social-political calling as part of the faithful life to sound prophetic voice in the world. The struggle of the Church into a prophetic power largely depends on the laity (and of course in good cooperation with the priests). The laity today are called to be new prophets to proclaim the truth without becoming part of the defilement itself


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-88
Author(s):  
David K. Goodin

This essay brings Douglas John Hall’s engagement with the theology of the cross for a post-Christendom context into dialogue with the political theology of Russkii mir by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). Russkii mir is a theology that claims to be Christendom reborn. It signals a new alliance between the ROC and the Russian Federation by sanctioning military conquest of foreign lands, including Crimea and the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine. This essay documents the emergence of this new political theology in terms of its historical precedents and how this history is being distorted, and even invented, to justify the claims to Christendom. Particular attention is given to the architecture and militaristic symbolism for the newly christened Cathedral for the Russian Armed Forces, dedicated on June 14th, 2020. Finally, these claims are critically examined using Hall’s theology of the cross as a disestablishment for all such “theologies of glory” in light of scripture, tradition, and the true mission of the church. I also bring Hall’s work into dialogue with similar thought from the Orthodox East.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-88
Author(s):  
David K. Goodin

This essay brings Douglas John Hall’s engagement with the theology of the cross for a post-Christendom context into dialogue with the political theology of Russkii mir by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). Russkii mir is a theology that claims to be Christendom reborn. It signals a new alliance between the ROC and the Russian Federation by sanctioning military conquest of foreign lands, including Crimea and the ongoing conflict in eastern Ukraine. This essay documents the emergence of this new political theology in terms of its historical precedents and how this history is being distorted, and even invented, to justify the claims to Christendom. Particular attention is given to the architecture and militaristic symbolism for the newly christened Cathedral for the Russian Armed Forces, dedicated on June 14th, 2020. Finally, these claims are critically examined using Hall’s theology of the cross as a disestablishment for all such “theologies of glory” in light of scripture, tradition, and the true mission of the church. I also bring Hall’s work into dialogue with similar thought from the Orthodox East.


Author(s):  
Gabriel Guillén Kalle

Schmitt introdujo el término Teología Política en 1922. Álvaro d’Ors acusa al de Plettenberg de realizar una teoría parcial al ligarla al concepto de soberanía, a la excepcionalidad y a su concepto de lo político y a su antiuniversalismo. D’Ors por el contrario es universalista, basado en la Iglesia y en el Reino de Cristo; su Teología política no pretende la Soberanía, pues sería siempre usurpada, ya que el único Soberano total y universal es Cristo. Fiel reflejo de esto es la no autonomía de lo político principio opuesto al que mantuvo el maestro renano.Schmitt introduced the concept of Political Theology in the Political Theory in 1922. Álvaro ´Ors refuted to the Plettenberg master to make a partial description when connected there with his sovereign concept, in an exceptional term, an with his political concept, all this link to antiuniversalism. Contrary d´Ors stay as an universalist, with reason in the Church and in the Christ Kingdom; his political theology don´t want a sovereign, perhaps should he ever usurped, there the only full and universal sovereign is Christ. Faithful view of these is his negative to the authonomy of the political contrary principle as who sustented Schmitt.


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