Seals and the Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire

Author(s):  
Werner Seibt

For certain periods of the middle Byzantine era, seals, especially lead seals (molybdoboulla), played much the same role as do inscriptions for the Roman epoch. This chapter begins by stressing the impressive size of the epigraphic material. The number and importance vary through the centuries, but even from the most casual glance, one gets the impression that in two respects, both important to prosopography, developments reached their summit in the eleventh century: the number of seals, and the data that they offer. Working with such material involves at least three steps: reading, dating and interpretation.

1965 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deno J. Geanakoplos

In the medieval theocratic societies of both the Byzantine East and the Latin West, where the influence of Christian precepts so strongly pervaded all aspects of life, it was inevitable that the institutions of church and state, of sacerdotium and regnum to use the traditional Latin terms, be closely tied to one another. But whereas in the West, at least after the investiture conflict of the eleventh century, the pope managed to exert a strong political influence over secular rulers, notably the Holy Roman Emperor, in the East, from the very foundation of Constantinople in the fourth century, the Byzantine emperor seemed clearly to dominate over his chief ecclesiastical official, the patriarch.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Crowe

The Roma entered the Balkans from India during the Middle Ages. They reached Persia sometime in the ninth century and by the eleventh century had moved into the Byzantine Empire. According to the eleventh-century Georgian Life of Saint George the Athonite, the Emperor Constantine Monomachus asked the Adsincani to get rid of wild animals preying on the animals in his royal hunting preserve. Adsincani is the Georgian form of the Greek word Atsínganoi or Atzínganoi, from which the non-English terms for Roma (cigán, cigány, tsiganes, zigeuner) are derived. Adsincani means “ner-do-well fortune tellers” or “ventriloquists and wizards who are inspired satanically and pretend to predict the unknown.” “Gypsy” comes from “Egyptian,” a term often used by early modern chroniclers in the Balkans to refer to the Roma. Because of the stereotypes and prejudice that surround the word “Gypsy,” the Roma prefer a name of their own choosing from their language, Romani. Today, it is preferable to refer to the Gypsies as Rom or “Roma,” a Romani word meaning “man” or “husband.” Byzantine references to “Egyptians” crop up during this period as Byzantine political and territorial fortunes gave way to the region's new power, the Ottomans. There were areas with large Roma populations in Cyprus and Greece which local rulers dubbed “Little Egypt” in the late fourteenth century.


Author(s):  
Philipp Niewöhner

Much of eleventh-century Anatolia seems to have been short on prosperity and ambitious building projects, although palynological evidence indicates an intensification of agriculture and an increase of rural population. Rural affluence appears to have been paired with, and outweighed by, urban decline. As the occasional rural buildings were relatively small, insignificant, and undistinguished, they seem to have been ill-suited to compensate for the general lack of large, important, and trend-setting urban constructions. This chapter considers the evidence of churches, templon epistyles, and fortifications, before asking, ‘What went wrong?’ Why did eleventh-century Anatolia fare worse than the contemporary Aegean, Greece, and more generally the Balkan part of the Byzantine Empire?


1982 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitri Conomos

No-one has ever seriously questioned the exclusively monophonic character of medieval Byzantine ecclesiastical chant. The introduction of the drone, or ison singing, so familiar in contemporary Greek, Arabic, Romanian and Bulgarian practice, is not documented before the sixteenth century, when modal obscurity, resulting from complex and ambiguous chromatic alterations which appeared probably after the assimilation of Ottoman and other Eastern musical traditions, required the application of a tonic, or home-note, to mark the underlying tonal course of the melody. Musicians in Constantinople and on Mount Athos were probably oblivious of the rise of polyphony in the West, particularly after the formal break between the two Churches in the eleventh century, which was preceded by a long period of increasing estrangement. And with the Latin occupation of a part of the Byzantine Empire between 1204 and 1261, there was a general distaste for and rejection of the culture of the ‘Franks’.


2013 ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
Athanasios Markopoulos

This study aims to present and critically investigate the development of the socalled ?higher education? in the Byzantine Empire. Some institutions will be examined, such as the teaching with public funding (the case of Themistios), the well-known Pandidakterion of the fifth century, Magnaura in a much subsequent age, and, finally, the re-organization of education during the reign of Constantine IX Monomachos in the eleventh century, when, for the last time in its history, a case can be made for a higher education institution in Byzantium.


Author(s):  
Judith Herrin

This chapter examines how Byzantine administration worked on the ground in the provinces of Hellas and Peloponnesos during the period 1180–1204. The Byzantine Empire was governed through a complex administrative system, predominantly military in nature, within which civilian and ecclesiastical sectors played a key role. The theme of Hellas and Peloponnesos was created in the first half of the eleventh century when the two provinces were combined into a single unit. It was administered by both military and civil appointees. The chapter considers the administrative structure of provincial government, focusing on the triad of military, civilian, and ecclesiastical administration. It also discusses the diocese under the metropolitan of Athens that extended over central Greece, along with the local government officials of Hellas and Peloponnesos.


Traditio ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 53-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Shepard

The role of the English mercenaries in the Byzantine army has long been under dispute. A. A. Vasiliev, writing in 1937, gave a very full summary of what was known at that time, and tended to stress their importance to Byzantium in the later eleventh century. However, his article came under brief but formidable attack from the German scholar, F. Dölger, who published a review of Vasiliev's work in 1938. A year later, Dölger's arguments were repeated and amplified by S. Blöndal. Since then, the dispute has hung fire, and a recent historian of the Byzantine army, A. Hohlweg, was justified when, in 1965, he wrote of the problem of the role of the English as umstritten — disputed. What follows is an attempt to reassess the problem and my conclusion is akin to Vasiliev's: there was a significant migration of Anglo-Saxons to the Byzantine Empire around 1080, and in the early years of Alexius Comnenus‘ reign. Further, there is evidence of diplomatic contact between the Empire and the rulers of England, and groups of Anglo-Saxons may have continued to migrate eastward later than has previously been thought. But the value of the English was probably greatest in the early years of Alexius Comnenus’ reign, and may even be compared with that of the Russians who had come to the rescue of the emperor Basil II nearly a hundred years earlier, in about 988.


1953 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 412-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Charanis

It is now five hundred years since the Byzantine empire was brought to an end by the Ottoman Turks, Scholars today quite justly reject Gibbon's assumption that the Byzantine empire was, throughput its entire existence, in a state of decline. They have come to rank it, instead, as one of the great empires in history. And this for good reasons. It endured for over a thousand years. Down to about the middle of the eleventh century it was the center of civilization in Christendom. It preserved the thought and literature of antiquity; it developed new forms of art; it held back the barbarians. It produced great statesmen, soldiers, and diplomats as well as reformers and renowned scholars. Its missionaries, aided by its diplomats and sometimes by its armies, spread the gospel among the pagan tribes, especially the Slavs, which dwelt along its frontiers and beyond. As a Czech historian has put it, Byzantium “molded the undisciplined tribes of Serbs, Bulgars, Russians, Croats even, and made nations out of them; it gave to them its religion and institutions, taught their princes how to govern, transmitted to them the very principles of civilization—writing and literature.” Byzantium was a great power and a great civilizing force.


Author(s):  
Вадим Вадимович Хапаев ◽  
Антон Михайлович Глушич

В статье изучена роль физической культуры и спорта в процессе подготовки византийских воинов в ранневизантийский и средневизантийский периоды. Рассмотрены различные виды спортивных игр и состязаний – как детских и юношеских, благодаря которым обеспечивалась допризывная подготовка, так и военно-спортивные упражнения и соревнования в византийской армии. Сделан вывод о том, что, несмотря на ликвидацию античной системы палестр и гимнасиев, массовая физическая подготовка византийских мальчиков, подростков и юношей призывного возраста в Византии представляла собой хорошо продуманную и логично выстроенную систему, нацеленную на воспитание сильного, смелого и закаленного воина. Ее принципиальное отличие от античного периода заключалось в том, что физическое воспитание детей и подростков было возложено не на государство или общину, а на семью. Задачей общины при этом было создание условий для проведения спортивных соревнований, а государство подключалось к физическому воспитанию юношей после их включения в воинские списки в ходе учений и боевых походов. Библиографические ссылки Анонимный воинский трактат «Как выдерживать осаду» / пер. и коммент. В.В. Хапаева // Хапаев В.В. Византийский Херсон на рубеже тысячелетий: вторая половина Х – первая половина XI в. Симферополь: Нижняя Орiанда, 2016. С. 509–538. Армурис // Памятники Византийской литературы IX–XV веков / Отв. ред. Л.А. Фрейберг. М.: Наука, 1968. С. 158–160. Дигенис Акрит. 1960. М.: Изд-во АН СССР. 1960. 218 с. Дьяконов А.П. Византийские димы и факции (τα μέρη) в V–VII вв. // Византийский сборник / Oтв. ред. Е. А. Косминский М., Л.: АН СССР, 1945. С. 144–227. Курбатов Г.Л. Ранневизантийский город (Антиохия в IV веке). Л.: Изд-во ЛГУ, 1962. 284 с. Лазарев В.Н. История византийской живописи. М.: Искусство, 1986. 194 с. Левченко М.В. Венеты и прасины в Византии V–VII вв. // Византийский временник. 1947. Т. 1. С. 164–183. Либаний. Речи. Том I. Казань.: Тип. имп. ун-та, 1914. 511 с. Либаний. Речи. Том II. Казань.: Тип. имп. ун-та, 1916. 569 с. Люттвак Э.Н. Стратегия Византийской империи. М.: Университет Дмитрия Пожарского, 2010. 664 с. Михаил Пселл. Хронография / пер., статьи и коммент. Я. Н. Любарского М.: Наука, 1978. 319 с. Никифор Григора. История ромеев. Т. I / пер. с греч. Р. В. Яшунского, вступ. ст. Л. Герд. СПб.: Свое издательство, 2013. 438 с. О стратегии. Византийский военный трактат VI века / Изд. под-гот. В.В. Кучма. СПб.: Алетейя, 2007. 158 с. Продолжатель Феофана. Жизнеописания византийских царей / пер., статьи и коммент. Я. Н. Любарского М.: Наука, 1992. 348 с. Стратегика Никифора II Фоки / пер. и комм. А. К. Нефёдкина. СПб.: Алетейя, 2005. 105 с. Стратегикон Маврикия / Изд. подгот. В.В. Кучма. СПб.: Алетейя, 2004. 242 с. Тактика Льва / пер.: проф., д.ист.н. В.В. Кучма. СПб.: Алетейя, 2012. 367 с. 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