scholarly journals La oposición senatorial en tiempos de Augusto: el caso de Antistio Labeón = The Senatorial Opposition in the Time of Augustus: The Case of Antistius Labeo

Author(s):  
Manuel Antonio Sebastián Edo

En el Senado siempre hubo individuos que se opusieron a Octavio y varios de ellos llegaron a conspirar contra él. Tras el confinamiento de Lépido del ámbito político, lo cual hizo que quedaran Antonio y Octavio frente a frente, este último fue objeto de varias conspiraciones. Esta forma de oposición más violenta es la que predomina en el relato de las fuentes clásicas, que recogen importantes datos para conocer las relaciones entre el Senado y el princeps. Sin embargo, de entre ellas, hay un hecho particular que llama la atención, ya que se trata de un caso de oposición no violenta y que llega a ser ensalzado en las fuentes (Tac., Ann., 3, 75), representado por el jurista Marco Antistio Labeón. En primer lugar, para abordar el tema recopilaremos los casos anteriores a Antistio Labeón que se opusieron a Augusto y haremos un breve perfil biográfico del personaje. Finalmente, indagaremos en los casos en los que Labeón mostró su oposición a la figura de Augusto.AbstractIn the Senate there were always individuals who opposed Octavius and  several of them came to conspire against him. After the confinement of Lepidus from the political sphere, which caused Antonius and Octavius to remain face to face, the latter was subject to several conspiracies. This form of more violent opposition is the one that predominates in the ensemble of the classic sources, which collect important data to know the relations between the Senate and the princeps. However, among them, there is a particular fact that attracts attention, since it is a case of non-violent opposition and that it becomes extolled at the sources (Tac., Ann., 3, 75), represented by the jurist Marcus Antistius Labeo. To address the issue, first, we will collect the cases before Antistius Labeo which opposed Augustus and make a brief biographical profile of the character. Finally, we will investigate the cases in which Labeo showed his opposition to the figure of Augustus.

Author(s):  
Svetlana M. Klimova ◽  

The article examines the phenomenon of the late Lev Tolstoy in the context of his religious position. The author analyzes the reactions to his teaching in Russian state and official Orthodox circles, on the one hand, and Indian thought, on the other. Two sociocultural images of L.N. Tolstoy: us and them that arose in the context of understanding the position of the Russian Church and the authorities and Indian public and religious figures (including Mahatma Gandhi, who was under his influence). A peculiar phenomenon of intellectually usL.N. Tolstoy among culturally them (Indian) correspondents and intellectually them Tolstoy among culturally us (representatives of the official government and the Church of Russia) transpires. The originality of this situation is that these im­ages of Lev Tolstoy arise practically at the same period. The author compares these images, based on the method of defamiliarisation (V. Shklovsky), which allows to visually demonstrate the religious component of Tolstoy’s criticism of the political sphere of life and, at the same time, to understand the psychological reasons for its rejection in Russian official circles. With the methodological help of defamiliarisation the author tries to show that the opinion of Tolstoy (as the writer) becomes at the same time the voice of conscience for many of his con­temporaries. The method of defamiliarisation allowed the author to show how Leo Tolstoy’s inner law of nonviolence influenced the concept of non­violent resistance in the teachings of Gandhi.


2021 ◽  

Carl Schmitt emphasised the crucial importance of the friend–enemy dichotomy for the political sphere. Is the connection between the concept of the enemy and politics still relevant today? Or does the political sphere need to be defined quite differently, on the one hand, and does the problem of enmity need to be dealt with beyond the political sphere, on the other? Since the publication of this book’s 1st edition, the issue of ‘enmity’ has by no means been settled, as recent terrorist attacks have shown. On the contrary, hatred of those who think differently seems to be on the increase, and they are then demonised as ‘enemies’. This development is explored in the contributions to the book’s 2nd edition. Rüdiger Voigt, professor emeritus of administrative science at the University of the German Armed Forces in Munich, is the author and editor of numerous books on state theory and state practice.


1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 805-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. G. Lake

In 1620 Thomas Scott published a notorious pamphlet entitled Vox Populi. This purported to recount the proceedings of the Spanish council of state and denounced the devious machinations of Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador, and by implication the pro-Spanish policy of King James. Once Scott's authorship became known he took the traditional way out and fled to the Low Countries. There he served as a preacher with the English regiments and as a minister at Utrecht. He also continued his pamphlet commentary on events in England. Scott, then, was that well-known figure, the radical puritan opponent of the Jacobean regime. He has certainly been cast in that role and until recently such a view of his career would have seemed unexceptionable enough. However, of late there has emerged a corpus of work which might be thought to render any such view of Scott untenable. On the one hand, the existence within the mainstream of English protestantism of anything approaching a coherent body of puritan attitudes has been challenged, at least until the emergence of Arminianism polarized religious opinion and almost created a self-conscious and aggressive puritanism where there had been none before. In the political sphere it has been claimed that within the predominant view of constitutional and political propriety any attempt at concerted opposition to royal policy was both conceptually and practically impossible.


Rhizomata ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Schofield

AbstractNo Heraclitean fragment that bears on the political sphere compares with Fr.114 in length or theoretical ambition. Its basic preoccupation as often is with human intelligence and the need for better understanding. But its claim about the resources available to understanding is developed by means of an analogy with the city’s reliance on law and thereby on the ‘one divine’. And this is the dimension of the fragment that has most engaged scholars. It is generally supposed that a main lesson taught by the analogy is that, important resource though its law is for a city, ‘what is common’ provides understanding with a much stronger resource. This paper argues that that interpretation is misconceived: there could be no more powerful source of support than the ‘one divine’. Heraclitus’ point is rather that humans need to muster more strength to get the support available to understanding than citizens have to exercise in accessing that available in the law.


Religions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 381
Author(s):  
Steve Larocco

Adi Ophir has suggested that the political realm is an order of evils, producing and managing regular forms of suffering and violence rather than eliminating them. Thus, the political is always to some extent a corrupted order of justice. Emmanuel Levinas’ work presents in its focus on the face-to-face relationship a means of rethinking how to make the political more open to compassionate justice. Though Levinas himself doesn’t sufficiently take on this question, I argue that his work facilitates a way of thinking about commiserative shame that provides a means to connect the face-to-face to its potential effects in the political sphere. If such shame isn’t ignored or bypassed, it produces an unsettling relation to the other that in its adversity motivates a kind of responsibility and care for the other that can alter the public sphere.


2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-78
Author(s):  
Marcelo Blidstein

This article examines the political and ideological components of the Mexican Constitutional Assembly of 1917 and offers a new and more heterogeneous interpretation of this composition. Here, a dividing line is drawn between the political followers of either Carranza or Obregón, on the one hand, and other representatives who, despite their ideological proximity to the obregonistas, acted independently on the political sphere. A further group comprising those representatives who were not aligned with any of the other three groups is also considered. / Este artículo trata sobre la composición política e ideológica del Congreso Constituyente mexicano de 1917 y propone una interpretación nueva y más heterogénea de dicha composición. El artículo traza una línea divisoria entre los diputados constituyentes aliados políticamente a Carranza y a Obregón, por un lado, y a otros delegados, que pese a compartir una ideología que guardaba gran similitud con la de los obregonistas, eran independientes en cuanto a la esfera política. Además de ello, existía un grupo, mayoritario y heterogéneo formado por diputados que no estaban alineados con ninguno de los otros tres grupos.


Numen ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jimmy Sudário Cabral

Este artigo analisa a obra de Dostoiévski, Memórias do Subsolo, apresentando o universo filosófico e político no qual se deu a sua gestação. A pequena novela traz consigo o confronto entre as principais ideologias políticas da Rússia do século XIX, colocando frente a frente materialismo versus romantismo, oferecendo o cenário do encarniçado conflito entre os chamados homens novos, da geração de 1860, e os representantes da geração de 1840, reconhecidos como homens supérfluos. O artigo está dividido em dois atos e procura descrever os distintos núcleos narrativos que organizam a primeira parte da obra, intitulada “O subsolo”, e a segunda parte, “A propósito da neve molhada”. Após apresentar os singulares universos filosóficos e políticos nos quais a novela está inserida, o artigo procura demonstrar o lugar explosivo desta narrativa, que foi articulada como crítica religiosa e núcleo de desconstrução das virtudes estéticas e políticas da modernidade.The present article analyses Dostoyevsky’s Notes from Underground, presenting the political and philosophical atmosphere which conditioned its genealogy. This short novel highlights the conflict between the main political ideologies in Russia during the 19th century, putting face-to-face materialism versus romanticism and presenting the terrible conflict that took place between the so-called “new men” belonging to the generation of the1860s, and the representatives of the generation of the 1840s, known as the “superfluous men”. The article is divided in two main parts and it seeks to describe the distinct narrative frames which structure, on the one hand, the first part intituled “The Underground”, and, on the other, the second part intituled “On the Subject of the Wet Snow”. After describing the distinct philosophical and political contexts within which the novel is set, the article tries to demonstrate that the narrative is deliberately woven in order to function as a religious critique and an instrument to deconstruct the esthetical and political virtues of modernity.


Trictrac ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petru Adrian Danciu

Starting from the cry of the seraphim in Isaiahʹ s prophecy, this article aims to follow the rhythm of the sacred harmony, transcending the symbols of the angelic world and of the divine names, to get to the face to face meeting between man and God, just as the seraphim, reflecting their existence, stand face to face. The finality of the sacred harmony is that, during the search for God inside the human being, He reveals Himself, which is the reason for the affirmation of “I Am that I Am.” Through its hypnotic cyclicality, the profane temporality has its own musicality. Its purpose is to incubate the unsuspected potencies of the beings “caught” in the material world. Due to the fact that it belongs to the aeonic time, the divine music will exceed in harmony the mechanical musicality of profane time, dilating and temporarily cancelling it. Isaiah is witness to such revelation offering access to the heavenly concert. He is witness to divine harmonies produced by two divine singers, whose musical history is presented in our article. The seraphim accompanied the chosen people after their exodus from Egypt. The cultic use of the trumpet is related to the characteristics and behaviour of the seraphim. The seraphic music does not belong to the Creator, but its lyrics speak about the presence of the Creator in two realities, a spiritual and a material one. Only the transcendence of the divine names that are sung/cried affirms a unique reality: God. The chant-cry is a divine invocation with a double aim. On the one hand, the angels and the people affirm God’s presence and call His name and, on the other, the Creator affirms His presence through the angels or in man, the one who is His image and His likeness. The divine music does not only create, it is also a means of communion, implementing the relation of man to God and, thus, God’s connection with man. It is a relation in which both filiation and paternity disappear inside the harmony of the mutual recognition produced by music, a reality much older than Adam’s language.


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