scholarly journals Cisneros de José María Pemán, una apología del autoritarismo = Cisneros by José María Pemán, in Defence of Authoritarianism

2020 ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Marta García Peña
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Third ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Dual Perspective ◽  
The Way

En diciembre de 1934 José M.ª Pemán, estrechamente vinculado al grupo de Acción Española, estrenaba Cisneros, su tercera producción teatral. Como las anteriores, esta estaba cargada de referencias a la situación política. El presente artículo tratará de demostrar la dimensión propagandística de Cisneros en un momento en el que la derecha monárquica reivindicaba un régimen autoritario. Para ello se realizará un análisis de la obra desde una doble óptica valorando tanto la intencionalidad del autor como la recepción del público. El estudio tendrá en cuenta varios factores: la vertiente ideológica del autor y de su entorno, la estrecha relación de la obra con el contexto político así como su parentesco con los textos doctrinales publicados en la revista Acción Española. En relación con el modo en el que este producto teatral fue recibido, se considerará también la interpretación que el público y la crítica hicieron del mismo.AbstractDecember 1934 saw the release of Cisneros, the third play written by José M.ª Pemán, who was closely affiliated to the group Acción Española. As with his earlier plays, this was laden with references to the political situation. This article seeks to demonstrate the propagandistic magnitude of Cisneros at a time when the monarchist right wing was advocating an authoritarian regime. To this end, the play is analysed from a dual perspective, assessing both the playwright’s intent and the audience’s acceptance. The study considers a number of factors: the writer’s ideological standpoint and his environment, the close ties between the play and the political context as well as its relationship to the doctrinal texts published in the journal Acción Española. As regards the way in which the play was received, the audience’s interpretation of the play and that of the critics is also considered.

scholarly journals Zapomniane zwycięstwo 4 czerwca — o mitologii politycznej filmu „Psy” Władysława Pasikowskiego

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
Mateusz Nieć
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Moral Issues ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Cultural Anthropologist ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Mythology ◽  
Andrzej Wajda ◽  
Contemporary Context

Forgotten victory of 4 June: about the political mythology of the movie Dogs by Władysław PasikowskiThe article analyzes the victorious election of Solidarity on 4 June 1989. Władysław Pasikowski, a young Polish director, has shown in the movie Dogs 1992 a metaphor of the 4 June victory, which is analyzed in this article. Other issues from the movie are not presented, neither is the contemporary political situation. Only the contemporary context of the movie is presented. The movie Dogs shows a wide political and cultural background of a political change, probably because Pasikowski is a cultural anthropologist, not only a director. The article consists of three parts. In the first part of the article I present a concept of mythology by Roland Barthes in my own interpretation; I named my interpretation a political mythology. In the second part of the text I explain the phrase “forgotten victory” and discuss the political context “forgetfulness”. In the last part of the article I analyze the movie Dogs. Pasikowski presented a story of a police officer and his community political police during transformation in Poland. Pasikowski showed in the film the last days of the People’s Poland, her moral and political downfall. This film gave rise to many voices and commentaries, both positive and disapproving. The film was recognized by victims fighting about liberty as hurtful. Especially, a scene in a policemen canteen was recognized as derogatory. In a few scenes of the movie Pasikowski described the elite of People’s Poland. Pasikowski told a story about the last days of People’s Poland in the context of a crime. Since the movie Dogs, Pasikowski has debated with the Polish Film School and at the same time he has carried on with moral issues of the Polish Film School. He said and showed where the winners of Maciek Chełmicki, the protagonist of the film Popiół i diament Ashes and Diamonds of Andrzej Wajda director and Jerzy Andrzejewski writer, are now. Moreover, Pasikowski has discussed in films with Polish right-wing parties and right-wing journalists about the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland.

Modernization, Authoritarianism, and the Growth of Working‐Class Dissent: The Case of Spain

1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Maravall
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Invariant Factor ◽  
The Way

THIS ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO DISCUSS A NUMBER OF QUESTIONS RELATED to the development of a working-class movement of dissent under non-democratic conditions. In this discussion particular attention will be given to the consequences of economic development. It is not that economic development will be considered as a cross-culturally invariant factor in the explanation of social and political conflict and dissent, but that given i) a non-democratic political context and ii) social and economic conditions allowing for working-class movements whose open manifestation is hence restricted by the political set of constraints, the effects of economic development upon such contradictory conditions, and the way they influence the pattern of development of the working-class movement will be especially considered.

How to Distinguish Aristotle's Virtues

Phronesis ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual Virtue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Art ◽  
Intellectual Virtues ◽  
Moral Virtues ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis paper considers the distinctions Aristotle draws (1) between the intellectual virtue of phronêsis and the moral virtues and (2) among the moral virtues, in light of his commitment to the reciprocity of the virtues. I argue that Aristotle takes the intellectual virtues to be numerically distinct hexeis from the moral virtues. By contrast, I argue, he treats the moral virtues as numerically one hexis, although he allows that they are many hexeis 'in being'. The paper has three parts. In the first, I set out Aristotle's account of the structure of the faculties of the soul, and determine that desire is a distinct faculty. The rationality of a desire is not then a question of whether or not the faculty that produces that desire is rational, but rather a question of whether or not the object of the desire is good. In the second section I show that the reciprocity of phronêsis and the moral virtues requires this structure of the faculties. In the third section I show that the way in which Aristotle distinguishes the faculties requires that we individuate moral virtues according to the objects of the desires that enter into a given virtue, and with reference to the circumstances in which these desires are generated. I then explore what it might mean for the moral virtues to be different in being but not in number, given the way in which the moral virtues are individuated. I argue that Aristotle takes phronêsis and the political art to be a numerical unity in a particular way, and that he suggests that the moral virtues are, by analogy, the same kind of unity.

scholarly journals Swedish interventions in the tragedy of the Jews of Slovakia

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Denisa Nestakova ◽  
Eduard Nižňanský
Keyword(s):  
Jewish Community ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Way

This article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews of Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of the Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish arch­bishop, Erling Eidem, and the Slovak consul, Bohumil Pissko, in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials, including the president of the Slovak Republic, Jozef Tiso, revoked further negotiations in the autumn of 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope for actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed­ to failure because of the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant for a description of the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community could well have prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred, given the Slovak interest in deporting their own Jewish citizens and later the German occupation of Slovakia. 

The Public Festival: Inspiration and interconnectivity at the heart of festivals

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrin Deventer
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Abstract Theory ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Way

Festivals have been around, and will always be around; no matter the political context they are embedded in, supported by, or hindered by. Why? Simply because society develops, it transforms, it is dynamic and it needs space for reflection and inspiration. Festivals are platforms for people to meet, and for artists to present their work, their creations. This gives festivals an enduring, quite independent mission and reason to exist: as long as festivals strive to offer a biotope for artists and audiences alike and point to questions which concern the way we live and want to live, they will be a fertile ground for a meaningful development of society – and an offer for serving the public wellbeing. What are the challenges festivals are facing today? There are a series of very complex questions related to festivals’ positioning us as human beings in an interconnected, global society, our relation to nature and the immediate surroundings, our stories of life so that as many citizens as possible can be part of the societal discourse, can be enriched, can be touched, can be heard, can be moved. Individuals, interest groups, nationalities, countries, even continents are interconnected. What does this mean for a festival? Travelling across Europe for work and pleasure and meeting citizens from all walks of life has taught me that citizens, a term that connects individuals to some larger constructed community, are just people, everyday people, going about their lives. People connect with other humans and their human stories, real life encounters. Abstract theory and jargon are meaningless when they lack real life connections. Meaningful festivals of the future will offer possibilities for new connections among people: they invite people to travel in time and in space; they inspire to connect human stories, enriching them with new, unexpected, colourful stories!

Morfologie van de uiterst-rechtse groeperingen in België

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 373-407
Author(s):  
Peter Verlinden
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Small Groups ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Youth Organization ◽  
Definition Of

White a generally acknowledged definition of «right» and «extreme right» does not exist, an external definition was accepted, departing from what the most important authors accepted as being «right and extreme right wing groups» in Belgium.In Flandern the most important ones situate themselves within the «Flemish Movement», although being a small part of this Movement.  These groupings are classified into three categories : groups oriented towards the Flemish-Nationalistic past, students- and youth-organizations, and the recently activist groups.In Brussels and Wallonia two initiatives delineate this political field : Le Nouvel Europe Magazine, a well distributed monthly magazine, and the Front de la Jeunesse, initially founded as the youth organization of the magazine.The relevance of these rather small groups must be seen on two levels : that of the global Belgian political context, and on the level of the political Flemish Movement. To analyse strictly the amount of that influence needs more than a systematic review of the groupings that operate on this specific political field in Belgium last year.

scholarly journals Resilience in Fukushima: Contribution to a Political Economy of Consent

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-4) ◽  
pp. 94-118
Author(s):  
Thierry Ribault
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nuclear Technology ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nuclear Disaster ◽  
Fourth Level ◽  
Fukushima Daiichi ◽  
Fukushima Nuclear Disaster ◽  
And Training ◽  
The Way

This article is a contribution to the political economy of consent based on the analysis of speeches, declarations, initiatives, and policies implemented in the name of resilience in the context of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. It argues that, in practice as much as in theory, resilience fuels peoples’ submission to an existing reality—in the case of Fukushima, the submission to radioactive contamination—in an attempt to deny this reality as well as its consequences. The political economy of consent to the nuclear, of which resilience is one of the technologies, can be grasped at four interrelated analytical levels adapted to understanding how resilience is encoded in key texts and programs in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi accident. The first level is technological: consent through and to the nuclear technology. The second level is sociometabolic: consent to nuisance. The third level is political: consent to participation. The fourth level is epistemological: consent to ignorance. A fifth cognitivo-experimental transversal level can also be identified: consent to experimentation, learning and training. We first analyze two key symptoms of the despotism of resilience: its incantatory feature and the way it supports mutilated life within a contaminated area and turns disaster into a cure. Then, we show how, in the reenchanted world of resilience, loss opens doors, that is, it paves the way to new “forms of life”: first through ignorance-based disempowerment; second through submission to protection. Finally, we examine the ideological mechanisms of resilience and how it fosters a government through the fear of fear. We approach resilience as a technology of consent mobilizing emotionalism and conditioning on one side, contingency and equivalence on the other.

The Empire Strikes Back: How Right-Wing Nationalists Tried to Recapture Russian Literature

1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Parthe
Keyword(s):  
Russian Literature ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Thought Process ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Way

This article attempts to reconstruct the khod myshleniia (thought process) of the ultra-nationalist, ultra-conservative camp, not just because it is interesting in and of itself but also because of the way that some of their ideas, concerns, and ways of seeing Russia and the world are shared by a growing number of people in the middle of the political spectrum. The extremists' ideas about russifikatsiia may not spread very far, but russkost' is a powerful and attractive concept.

Global Fascism?

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (138) ◽  
pp. 108-130
Author(s):  
Benjamin Bland
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Front ◽  
Third Way ◽  
The Third ◽  
Unusual Variant ◽  
History Of

Abstract In the early 1980s, British fascism was reeling from the failure of the National Front (NF) to build on the brief swells of support it attracted in the 1970s through its crude ethnic populism. Enter a group of young radicals who, via a series of splits, gained control of the party and pushed it in a startlingly new direction. As the decade wore on these radicals embraced ideas that would have confused or even horrified their (essentially neo-Nazi) predecessors, promoting a global “Third Way” vision that borrowed heavily first from esoteric continental influences and then, increasingly, from radical Islamic ideologues like Louis Farrakhan and Muammar Qathafi. This article explains how this unusual variant of neofascism emerged in the political context of the 1980s and interrogates its transnational credentials in order to understand the extent and sincerity of this reinvention, so as to find the Third Way NF an appropriate place in the history of contemporary fascism(s).

International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joséé M. Sáánchez-Ron
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Civil War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Physical Sciences ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Cold War

This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.

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