How to Distinguish Aristotle's Virtues

Phronesis ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marguerite Deslauriers
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual Virtue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Art ◽  
Intellectual Virtues ◽  
Moral Virtues ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis paper considers the distinctions Aristotle draws (1) between the intellectual virtue of phronêsis and the moral virtues and (2) among the moral virtues, in light of his commitment to the reciprocity of the virtues. I argue that Aristotle takes the intellectual virtues to be numerically distinct hexeis from the moral virtues. By contrast, I argue, he treats the moral virtues as numerically one hexis, although he allows that they are many hexeis 'in being'. The paper has three parts. In the first, I set out Aristotle's account of the structure of the faculties of the soul, and determine that desire is a distinct faculty. The rationality of a desire is not then a question of whether or not the faculty that produces that desire is rational, but rather a question of whether or not the object of the desire is good. In the second section I show that the reciprocity of phronêsis and the moral virtues requires this structure of the faculties. In the third section I show that the way in which Aristotle distinguishes the faculties requires that we individuate moral virtues according to the objects of the desires that enter into a given virtue, and with reference to the circumstances in which these desires are generated. I then explore what it might mean for the moral virtues to be different in being but not in number, given the way in which the moral virtues are individuated. I argue that Aristotle takes phronêsis and the political art to be a numerical unity in a particular way, and that he suggests that the moral virtues are, by analogy, the same kind of unity.

scholarly journals Resilience in Fukushima: Contribution to a Political Economy of Consent

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2-4) ◽  
pp. 94-118
Author(s):  
Thierry Ribault
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nuclear Technology ◽  
The Third ◽  
Nuclear Disaster ◽  
Fourth Level ◽  
Fukushima Daiichi ◽  
Fukushima Nuclear Disaster ◽  
And Training ◽  
The Way

This article is a contribution to the political economy of consent based on the analysis of speeches, declarations, initiatives, and policies implemented in the name of resilience in the context of the Fukushima nuclear disaster. It argues that, in practice as much as in theory, resilience fuels peoples’ submission to an existing reality—in the case of Fukushima, the submission to radioactive contamination—in an attempt to deny this reality as well as its consequences. The political economy of consent to the nuclear, of which resilience is one of the technologies, can be grasped at four interrelated analytical levels adapted to understanding how resilience is encoded in key texts and programs in the wake of the Fukushima Daiichi accident. The first level is technological: consent through and to the nuclear technology. The second level is sociometabolic: consent to nuisance. The third level is political: consent to participation. The fourth level is epistemological: consent to ignorance. A fifth cognitivo-experimental transversal level can also be identified: consent to experimentation, learning and training. We first analyze two key symptoms of the despotism of resilience: its incantatory feature and the way it supports mutilated life within a contaminated area and turns disaster into a cure. Then, we show how, in the reenchanted world of resilience, loss opens doors, that is, it paves the way to new “forms of life”: first through ignorance-based disempowerment; second through submission to protection. Finally, we examine the ideological mechanisms of resilience and how it fosters a government through the fear of fear. We approach resilience as a technology of consent mobilizing emotionalism and conditioning on one side, contingency and equivalence on the other.

scholarly journals Notes on the Unity of Logic and Materialism

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorgen Sandemose
Keyword(s):  
Broad Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Logical Investigation ◽  
Subjective Logic ◽  
Science Of Logic ◽  
The Third ◽  
Adequate Understanding ◽  
General Criticism ◽  
The Way

<p>In the course of the first section, I make an attempt to define the most important actual implications of the theme that the anthology in question sets out to explore. In the next, I give a sketch of the three different modes of movement of logical thought present in Hegel’s <em>Science of Logic</em>, of their interrelation, and make a general criticism of the way that theme is handled in the book. In the third section, I stress the importance of an adequate understanding of the structure of the categories with which Hegel’s logical investigation takes its beginning. In the course of the two following sections, the interrelation between the themes of Hegel’s subjective logic and Marx’s commodity analysis are put into focus. The concluding section limits itself to giving an overview of the quality of the book in question, adding some words on the political significance of such literature in a broad context.</p>

The Israeli-Lebanese war of 2006: the international repercussions

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-286
Author(s):  
Hassan Nafaa
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Security Council Resolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The Third ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Political Management ◽  
The Way

This article deals with the international repercussions of the recent Israeli attack on Lebanon, and the way in which it differs from previous Arab-Israeli wars. The first part addresses the root causes of the conflict and considers the reasons that made the war on Lebanon a joint American–Israeli–European–United Nations war. The second part looks at the political management of the war and the steps that led to the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, and the various aspects of this resolution. The third assesses the war's international repercussions by looking at the potential positions of the world's major powers vis-à-vis obstacles that could impede the implementation of the resolution.

Laying the Groundwork for NAFTA

Eating NAFTA ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 63-88
Author(s):  
Alyshia Gálvez
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Food Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Elected Officials ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
The Third ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
The Way

The third chapter, “Laying the Groundwork for NAFTA” explores the political and economic context preceding NAFTA, and the ways that Mexico’s elected officials and business interests paved the way for the agreement and have benefited from it. The chapter unpacks the concepts of food sovereignty and food security, and how a push toward food security has produced the possibility of a Mexico that no longer produces food.

scholarly journals Political Art Criticism and the Need for Theory

Arts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Daniel Neofetou
Keyword(s):  
Art Criticism ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Art ◽  
Art Theory ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Way

Day-to-day art criticism and art theory are qualitatively distinct. Whereas the best art criticism entails a closeness to its objects which is attuned to particularity, art theory inherently makes generalized claims, whether these claims are extrapolated from the process of art criticism or not. However, this article argues that these dynamics are effectively reversed if we consider the disparity between the criticism of so-called political art and attempts over the last century to elaborate theory which accounts for the political in art qua art. Art theory has located the political force of art precisely in the way that its particularity opposes or resists the status quo. Art criticism, on the other hand, tends to treat artwork as a text to be interpreted whose particularity may as well dissolve when translated into discourse. Drawing from the work of Theodor W. Adorno, this article argues that political art theory calls for art criticism more attuned to experience if it is to elucidate art’s critical valence.

THOMAS WENTWORTH AND MONARCHICAL RITUAL IN EARLY MODERN IRELAND

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
DOUGAL SHAW
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Career ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Aesthetics ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Portrait Painting ◽  
Third Dimension ◽  
High Politics ◽  
The Way

Historians have long argued about the political career in Ireland of Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford. Analysing the extent of his viceregal power in the 1630s and his relationship to political factions, this writing has focused on ‘high politics’, as captured in state papers, pamphlets, and private letters. This article focuses on less conventional sources like paintings and accounts of court ceremonies to try and clarify a vital question. In a fragmented colonial territory that the Stuarts were determined to turn into a kingdom, to what extent did Wentworth cast himself as a king? The article examines the sophisticated way that Wentworth elaborated on ritual forms already connected with the viceroyalty to associate his political persona with that of the monarch, with particular reference to his extraordinary inauguration in 1633. Wentworth's interest in painting is well known because of his celebrated patronage of Van Dyck. Less well known is the way that he extended the conventions of portrait painting into the third dimension through court ritual, particularly the practice of allusion to recognizable models, with all the implications for prestige that this entailed. Through ‘political aesthetics’ Wentworth made the allusion to kingship, to the point that enemies detected monarchical pretensions.

Quetzaltenango's First Mayan Mayor: Transforming Political Culture and the Politics of Belonging?

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELISABET DUEHOLM RASCH
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Indigenous Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Community Organisation ◽  
Marginalised Groups ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Way

AbstractAgainst the backdrop of ethnic political mobilisation in Latin America, this article examines how, as Quetzaltenango's first Mayan mayor, Rigoberto Quemé Chay transformed two interrelated dimensions of citizenship: political culture and the politics of belonging. It analyses the way in which citizenship is constituted at three levels. The first is within Xel-jú as an indigenous political organisation whose practices contrast withladinoways of doing politics. The second is in relation to internal divisions between the militant indigenous line and the intercultural group. The third is within Xel-jú as a city-centred, middle-class-oriented indigenous organisation rather than a rural, indigenous community organisation. This article argues that transformations in citizenship are limited by the political, economic and ethnic context, and that overlapping systems of repression still prevent the participation of marginalised groups in Quetzaltenango.

scholarly journals Cisneros de José María Pemán, una apología del autoritarismo = Cisneros by José María Pemán, in Defence of Authoritarianism

2020 ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Marta García Peña
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Third ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Dual Perspective ◽  
The Way

En diciembre de 1934 José M.ª Pemán, estrechamente vinculado al grupo de Acción Española, estrenaba Cisneros, su tercera producción teatral. Como las anteriores, esta estaba cargada de referencias a la situación política. El presente artículo tratará de demostrar la dimensión propagandística de Cisneros en un momento en el que la derecha monárquica reivindicaba un régimen autoritario. Para ello se realizará un análisis de la obra desde una doble óptica valorando tanto la intencionalidad del autor como la recepción del público. El estudio tendrá en cuenta varios factores: la vertiente ideológica del autor y de su entorno, la estrecha relación de la obra con el contexto político así como su parentesco con los textos doctrinales publicados en la revista Acción Española. En relación con el modo en el que este producto teatral fue recibido, se considerará también la interpretación que el público y la crítica hicieron del mismo.AbstractDecember 1934 saw the release of Cisneros, the third play written by José M.ª Pemán, who was closely affiliated to the group Acción Española. As with his earlier plays, this was laden with references to the political situation. This article seeks to demonstrate the propagandistic magnitude of Cisneros at a time when the monarchist right wing was advocating an authoritarian regime. To this end, the play is analysed from a dual perspective, assessing both the playwright’s intent and the audience’s acceptance. The study considers a number of factors: the writer’s ideological standpoint and his environment, the close ties between the play and the political context as well as its relationship to the doctrinal texts published in the journal Acción Española. As regards the way in which the play was received, the audience’s interpretation of the play and that of the critics is also considered.

Leone de' Sommi and Jewish Theatre in Renaissance Mantua

2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19
Author(s):  
Donald Beecher
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Social Negotiations ◽  
Renaissance Artist ◽  
The Way

This is a study of a Renaissance artist and his patrons, but with an added complication, insofar as Leone de' Sommi, the gifted academician and playwright in the employ of the dukes of Mantua in the second half of the sixteenth century, was Jewish and a lifelong promoter and protector of his community. The article deals with the complex relationship between the court and the Jewish "università" concerning the drama and the way in which dramatic performances also became part of the political, judicial and social negotiations between the two parties, as well as a study of Leone's role as playwright and negotiator during a period that was arguably one of the best of times for the Jews of Mantua.

“I'd make thee eat the mischief thou hast vented”: Discourse of Law in Ben Jonson's Catiline His Conspiracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Legal Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Gunpowder Plot ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Legal Procedures ◽  
The Way

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.

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