Modernization, Authoritarianism, and the Growth of Working‐Class Dissent: The Case of Spain

1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 432-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Maravall
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Invariant Factor ◽  
The Way

THIS ARTICLE ATTEMPTS TO DISCUSS A NUMBER OF QUESTIONS RELATED to the development of a working-class movement of dissent under non-democratic conditions. In this discussion particular attention will be given to the consequences of economic development. It is not that economic development will be considered as a cross-culturally invariant factor in the explanation of social and political conflict and dissent, but that given i) a non-democratic political context and ii) social and economic conditions allowing for working-class movements whose open manifestation is hence restricted by the political set of constraints, the effects of economic development upon such contradictory conditions, and the way they influence the pattern of development of the working-class movement will be especially considered.

West Belfast

The Hoods ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Hamill
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Criminal Justice System ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Irish Republican Army

This chapter argues that, from the early days of the political conflict in the 1970s the conditions were such that the Irish Republican Army (IRA) adopted some of the functions of the state, namely the provision of policing and punishment of ordinary crime. The hostility of the statutory criminal justice system, particularly the police, toward the working-class Catholic community dramatically increased the costs of using state services. The high levels of disaffection and aggression among working-class Catholics toward the police meant that the state could no longer fulfill its function and police the community in any “normal” way. A demand for policing therefore existed. Simultaneously, this demand was met and fostered by the IRA, which had the motivation, the manpower, and the monopoly on the use of violence necessary to carry out this role.

The Public Festival: Inspiration and interconnectivity at the heart of festivals

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrin Deventer
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Abstract Theory ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fertile Ground ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Way

Festivals have been around, and will always be around; no matter the political context they are embedded in, supported by, or hindered by. Why? Simply because society develops, it transforms, it is dynamic and it needs space for reflection and inspiration. Festivals are platforms for people to meet, and for artists to present their work, their creations. This gives festivals an enduring, quite independent mission and reason to exist: as long as festivals strive to offer a biotope for artists and audiences alike and point to questions which concern the way we live and want to live, they will be a fertile ground for a meaningful development of society – and an offer for serving the public wellbeing. What are the challenges festivals are facing today? There are a series of very complex questions related to festivals’ positioning us as human beings in an interconnected, global society, our relation to nature and the immediate surroundings, our stories of life so that as many citizens as possible can be part of the societal discourse, can be enriched, can be touched, can be heard, can be moved. Individuals, interest groups, nationalities, countries, even continents are interconnected. What does this mean for a festival? Travelling across Europe for work and pleasure and meeting citizens from all walks of life has taught me that citizens, a term that connects individuals to some larger constructed community, are just people, everyday people, going about their lives. People connect with other humans and their human stories, real life encounters. Abstract theory and jargon are meaningless when they lack real life connections. Meaningful festivals of the future will offer possibilities for new connections among people: they invite people to travel in time and in space; they inspire to connect human stories, enriching them with new, unexpected, colourful stories!

Seeing the State

2018 ◽  
pp. 124-165
Author(s):  
Jelle J.P. Wouters
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Postcolonial State ◽  
Dual Relation ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines how protracted political conflict shapes the ways ordinary Naga men and women ‘see’ the postcolonial state. For most Nagas, long decades of conflict were marked by a dual relation to the state. On the one hand, they experienced the coercive, repressive powers of the state, while, after the enactment of Nagaland in 1963, the state manifested itself as a source of largesse and livelihood, as part of a politically driven policy of ‘seduction’ to tie Nagas to existing state structures and the political status quo. These historical experiences muddled distinctions between the state as a benevolent provider and protector, and that of a dispenser of bodily violence and misery, between the state as a lucrative resource and reservoir of public resentment. The way Naga villagers engage and ‘see’ the state, I argue, is mediated by this historical ambiguity.

The Peronist Left, 1955–1975

1976 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel James
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Extensive Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comprehensive Treatment ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
The Subject

The ‘Peronist Left’ has become one of the chief actors in the often violent drama of Argentine politics today. It is the object of this article to place the events of the more recent past, at least since the return of Peronism to power in 1973, within the framework of the development of the ‘Peronist Left’ since the fall of Perón in 1955. Obviously the article makes no claim to be a comprehensive treatment of the subject. Such a treatment could only be part of a much more extensive study of the Argentine working class and the Peronist movement. In particular, the article concentrates on an analysis of the political ideology of the different currents that have made up the ‘Peronist Left’ since 1955, whilst recognizing that this ideology must ultimately be seen in the far wider context of the social and economic development of Argentine society. The first part will highlight the main features of this Left in the 1955–73 period and analyze the main currents within it. In the second part of the paper the events of the last two to three years will be looked at within this context.

Second Generation Reform in Latin America: Reforming the public sector in Uruguay and Mexico

2005 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-691 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCISCO PANIZZA ◽  
GEORGE PHILIP
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Significant Role ◽  
Second Generation ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Reform Legislation ◽  
The Way

Uruguay and Mexico have both passed laws aiming to professionalise the public sector bureaucracy according to what might be considered ‘second generation’ reform principles. They did so under what might initially have seemed to be politically unpropitious circumstances. The reforms might have been vetoed by interests that feared that they would lose out from the changes, but were not. They might have been blocked by conditions of minority presidentialism, but were not. This article seeks to explain the successful passing of this reform legislation. Framing issues played a significant role in reducing opposition. Notably important was the way in which the reforms were presented, and specifically the ability of their proponents to avoid presenting them as market-friendly reforms. The political context also provided the reformers with arguments that in the end proved persuasive.

scholarly journals Japan’s political solution in Vietnam from March 1945 to August 1945

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 82-93
Author(s):  
Ca Van Phan
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Standing Position ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
French Colonial ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Way

After the coup d'etat of the French colonial administration in Indochina ending the period of Japan-France co-governing, the Japanese government publicized its policy to support the foundation of Vietnam’s “independence”. However, the overall view of the political context of the time, the establishment of the Bao Dai-Tran Trong Kim government is a Japanese solution to Vietnam’s situation in the post-coup d'etat period. This solution stemmed from the plans of the Japanese ruling authorities and the specific historical context in Vietnam at that time. For Japan, the ultimate goal which needed to be reached after the coup was not to affect the effort of the war. For France, not only they lost colonies but also their standing position was underestimated in the eyes of the colonists. For the relationship between Japan and Vietnam, the nature and its motive would change in the way as it should have been.

Unwanted Ally. Italian Political Debate on Yugoslav Unity during WWI

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
Giordano Merlicco
Keyword(s):  
Adriatic Sea ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Compromise Solution ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
War Aims ◽  
The Way ◽  
Yugoslav Committee

Upon entering WWI, Italy expected to gain hegemony over the Adriatic Sea. After 1917, however, several events had seriously altered the political context, urging a reappraisal of Italy’s war aims. This article describes the debates among Italian political sectors on the emergence of Yugoslav unionism. Several Italian politicians had proposed a bilateral deal with Serbia and the Yugoslav Committee and engaging in direct talks to pave the way for a compromise solution over the Adriatic. Minister of Foreign Affairs Sonnino instead retained the 1915 Treaty of London as the only basis for Italy’s war, rejecting bilateral deals. The lack of reappraisal in Italy’s diplomatic strategy finally exposed Rome to growing isolation, especially when France and England began to support Yugoslav claims.

Transnational Relationships between the Italian Revolutionary Left and Palestinian Militants during the Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-70
Author(s):  
Luca Falciola
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Transnational Ties ◽  
Terrorist Groups ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Way

This article examines the transnational ties between the Italian revolutionary left and Palestinian militants from the mid-1960s through the early 1980s. Some observers have cited these connections to explain the magnitude of Italian terrorism in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, in the absence of empirical research, the issue has remained murky. The archival sources and detailed interviews with protagonists used in the article shed light on this phenomenon by addressing four questions: first, the reception of the Palestinian cause within the Italian revolutionary left; second, the way Palestinian terrorist groups established roots in Italy and how the political context facilitated those efforts; third, the interactions between Italian and Palestinian militants both in Italy and in the Middle East; and fourth, the factors that strengthened or weakened the relationships between these entities. The evidence indicates that although Italian revolutionaries forged concrete ties with Palestinian militants and terrorists, these ties were not as extensively developed as some of the Italian leftists had hoped. The interactions encouraged radicalization but did not significantly foster violent escalation and terrorism in Italy.

Visions of Nile basin development

Water Policy ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale Whittington
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Projects ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Nile Basin ◽  
Basin Development ◽  
Cooperative Development ◽  
Common Thread ◽  
The Way

This paper describes five alternative visions for cooperative Nile development in the hope that they will assist the Nile riparian countries in their search for both a consensus vision and sound development projects. These five alternate visions [(1) Century Storage Plus, (2) Water for Peace, (3) Southern Lights, (4) The Green Nile, and (5) Economic Partners on the Nile] are intentionally stylized to make them easy to understand and remember. There is a common thread tying all five of these alternative visions together: the desire of all riparian countries for peace and economic development. Each of the five visions describes a peaceful future in which its proponents believe economic prosperity will flourish. One of the advantages of thinking explicitly about these alternative visions is that comparisons can reveal surprising compromises - or coalitions - that may become possible between Nile riparian countries even though some members of the political leadership in the riparian countries may still hold quite different ideas about the way to achieve cooperative development.

Letter From Poland

1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-228
Author(s):  
Antoni Z. Kaminski ◽  
Joanna Kurczewska
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Class Background ◽  
The World

WE STARTED WRITING THIS LETTER ON 22 DECEMBER 1990, the day that Lech Walesa was sworn in before the Polish Sejm as the first President of Poland ever elected in national elections. Even during this memorable ceremony, some MPs could not hide their deep dissatisfaction. They shared with a large portion of intellectuals of the world the conviction that Mazowiecki, a journalist, would be a far better president for Poland than Walesa the shipyard - worker.Having followed with some curiosity the Western coverage of the Polish elections, and of the political struggles that preceded it, we have the impression that the coverage was biased, and often misleading. Commentators repeated misleading stereotypes, identifying themselves with one side in the political conflict in Poland. They presented a black-and-white picture of the conflict. Tadeusz Mazoweicki symbolized stability, democracy, tolerance, open-mindedness, ‘true’ pluralism, etc.; while the ‘terrible Lech Walesa’ represented dictatorship, obscurantism, anti-Semitism, populism, and chaos. Subtle references were made to Walesa's working-class background, to his lack of poise and education. We find such journalistic bad manners outrageous.

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