Worth a War? The Importance of the Trade between British America and the Mediterranean

Rough Waters ◽  
2010 ◽  
pp. 7-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. McCusker

This chapter argues that the American presence in the Mediterranean that surged after the Peace of Paris in 1783 was not the beginning of American involvement in the region, but rather a revival of a pre-existing one. It accomplishes this by exploring the history of American maritime activity: analysing the commerce between the British Continental Colonies and Southern Europe from early colonial settlement up to the American War of Independence. It explores both the visible and invisible components of the colonial balance of payments system, and suggests a financial advantage to Americans far higher than previous estimates have offered. It also considers trade between American and Britain after the 1783 Treaty of Paris; the fluctuating rates of trade goods including tobacco, sugar, and fish; and the threat of North African pirates. It concludes that American willingness to go to war for independence was linked to the profitability of their existing trade links in the Mediterranean.

Author(s):  
Peter Van Dommelen

This chapter examines the relation between urbanization and colonial settlement in the western Mediterranean and evaluates whether the Mediterranean should be considered an urban region. It investigates the interconnection between urbanization and colonialism and analyses archaeological evidence for early colonial settlement, focusing on Greek colonization in South Italy and Sicily and the Phoenician presence on the Tyrrhenian islands and the Spanish south-east coast. The findings indicate that the urban fabric of many colonial foundations does not necessarily have to be understood in urban terms.


Finisterra ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (77) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Abreu ◽  
João Diogo Mateus

The current geopolitical importance of the Mediterranean isheightened by the fact that it is both a dividing physical barrier between a developed Europe and a chronically peripheral Africa and one of the main structuring corridors for international migration. This note builds on the assumption that the Maghreb-Southern Europe migratory flows are best analysed in a “migration systems” approach and makes a contribution to the awareness of the history andpresent characteristics of the flows within this particular system. The note is divided into five sections: Section 1 further specifies the object of the note; Section 2 provides a brief historical account of the main periods and events of relevance to the dynamics of this migration system; Section 3 is a quantitative analysis of thestocks and flows of North African immigration to European countries in the recent past; Section 4 looks into these flows in further detail, seeking to identify some of their recent characteristics; finally, Section 5 identifies some foreseeable (economic, institutional, demographic,…) developments that are likely to affect the future dynamics of the system.


Author(s):  
Leos Müller

This paper analyses the rise of Swedish trade and shipping in the Mediterranean in the eighteenth century. It focuses on three factors that shaped Sweden’s role in the area: foreign policy interest, foreign trade policy (mercantilism), and commodity demand and supply. The foreign policy interest is represented by attempts to build an alliance with the Ottoman Empire against Russia. An outcome of this was the short-lived Swedish Levant Company. The second factor relates to Sweden’s mercantilist policy in the Mediterranean, embodied in the Swedish Navigation Act, trade and peace treaties with the North-African states, and the consular services in southern Europe. Sea salt was in the core of this policy—a strategic commodity in northern Europe. Southern Europe, too, was important market for Swedish exports goods: iron, tar and pitch, and planks.


1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Brett

The English-language literature on Algeria generated by the Algerian war of independence and continuing down to the present forms an intellectual as well as linguistic tradition apart from the much more voluminous literature in French. Despite the involvement of French and North African writers who have published in English, it is largely the creation of outsiders looking at the country from British and North American points of view, according to current fashions. The war of independence remains central to its concerns as the great transformer of a colonial into a national society, however that transformation is to be understood. The qualified approval of the nationalist cause by Alistair Horne contrasts sharply with Elie Kedourie's denunciation. Most judgements have been based on the outcome, the political, social and economic performance of the regime, considered as good or bad. Since the death of Boumedienne in 1978, they have tended to be unfavourable. Their largely secular analyses, however, have been called in question since 1988 by the rise of political Islam, which has called for a reappraisal of the whole subject of the war and its consequences. Such a reappraisal is still in the future. Meanwhile Ernest Gellner, in dispute with Edward Said over the question of Orientalism, has raised the matter of the role of Islam in the history of Algeria to a high level of generalization, at which the war itself may, paradoxically, return to the forefront of international scholarly concern.


Muzikologija ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 199-206
Author(s):  
Ivan Moody

The history of music in the countries of Southern Europe has, in general, been examined either from the West or from the East. This has had to do with traditional and univestigated assumptions of divisions on religious and linguistic grounds, amongst others, and a lack of familiarity with the relevant literatures which it self derives in large part from a lack of familarity with the relevant languages. Thus, there has been very little comparison of aesthetics in the context of emerging or newly-established nations, and the vital and simultaneous investigation of modernism in those countries, that takes into account both the countries of the Mediterranean and of the Balkans, rather than viewing them as peripheries and discussing them almost exclusively in relation to a theoretical centre. In a number of recent publications and papers, I have aimed to break down some of the seborders precisely by confronting the question of tradition and modernism and bycomparing and contrasting the music of the Latin/ Roman Catholic South-West with that of the Slavic and Greek/Orthodox East, at the same time endeavouring todiscuss this problem in a very broad sense, which I believe to be necessary in establishing the groundwork for future investigation in this area. In this article I discuss this approach and examine the problems inherent in its implementation, given both the need for breadth of historical and geographical vision (i.e., denationalizing music histories) and for the avoidance of a musicology of cliche, born of ideology rather than unbiased curiosity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 602-631 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tristan Stein

AbstractBetween the end of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, the security of British navigation in and around the corsair-infested waters of the Mediterranean depended on indented parchment passports—Mediterranean passes. This article recovers the history of the Mediterranean pass and traces the development of the Mediterranean pass system from its origins in England's mid-seventeenth-century treaties with the North African regencies to its role in the emergence of Britain's Mediterranean empire over the course of the long eighteenth century. At its inception, the Mediterranean pass system formed an interstate regulatory regime that mediated between North African and British naval power by providing a means to identify British vessels at sea and to limit the protection of Britain's treaties to them. During the eighteenth century, however, foreign merchants and shipowners, especially from Genoa, sought out the security of British passes by moving to Britain's colonies at Gibraltar and Minorca. The resulting incorporation of foreigners into the British pass system fundamentally altered the nature and significance of the pass and contributed to the development of Britain's imperial presence in the Mediterranean. This article reveals how the growth of British power and the interactions of British consuls and imperial officials with mariners and merchants from around the Mediterranean transformed the pass from a document of identification into an instrument of imperial protection that helped sustain Britain's Mediterranean outposts in the eighteenth century and make possible the dramatic expansion of the British Empire further into that sea at the start of the nineteenth.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julius M. Gathogo

The Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), otherwise known as Mau-Mau revolutionary movement was formed after returnees of the Second World War (1939–1945) ignited the African populace to militarily fight for land and freedom (wiyathi nai thaka). John Walton’s theory of reluctant rebels informs this article theoretically, as it is indeed the political elites who inspired this armed struggle. To do this, they held several meetings in the capital city of Nairobi, drew the war structures from the national level to the sub-location level, especially in the central region of Kenya, and tasked locals with filling in the leadership vacuums that were created. In view of this, the article seeks to unveil the revolutionary history of the Mau-Mau medical Doctor, also known as Major Judge Munene Gachau (born in 1935), whose contribution in the Kenyan war of independence (1952–1960) remains unique. This uniqueness can be attested to by considering various factors. First, he is one of the few surviving leaders who joined the guerrilla forest war while he was relatively young. Normally, the Mau-Mau War Council did not encourage people below the age of 25 to join the rebels in the forest of Mt. Kenya, Aberdare Mountains and/or other places. Nor did they encourage adults past the age of 35 to join as combatants in the forest fight. Second, he is the only known Mau-Mau rebel in Kirinyaga county of Kenya to have gone back to school after the war had ended, traveled abroad, and studied up to a Masters degree level. Third, Munene Gachau belongs in the category that joined the rebels while still relatively educated and eventually got promoted to the rank of Major, upon being confirmed as the Mau-Mau Doctor.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucio Bertoldi ◽  
Raffaele Perfetto ◽  
Francesca Rinaldi ◽  
Gabriele Carpineta ◽  
Luis Granado ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 41
Author(s):  
Catherine Cumming

This paper intervenes in orthodox under-standings of Aotearoa New Zealand’s colonial history to elucidate another history that is not widely recognised. This is a financial history of colonisation which, while implicit in existing accounts, is peripheral and often incidental to the central narrative. Undertaking to reread Aotearoa New Zealand’s early colonial history from 1839 to 1850, this paper seeks to render finance, financial instruments, and financial institutions explicit in their capacity as central agents of colonisation. In doing so, it offers a response to the relative inattention paid to finance as compared with the state in material practices of colonisation. The counter-history that this paper begins to elicit contains important lessons for counter-futures. For, beyond its implications for knowledge, the persistent and violent role of finance in the colonisation of Aotearoa has concrete implications for decolonial and anti-capitalist politics today.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Mohamed Chamekh

This article explores illegal migration through Tunisian rap. It considers this music an aspect of resistance and protest against the socio-economic and political conditions obliging thousands of Tunisians to cross the Mediterranean in makeshift boats in search of better prospects and challenging the increasing security and legislative measures crippling mobility imposed by the EU and Tunisian authorities. This article contends that harga songs document the history of the working class in Tunisia and carve the identity of harraga as people who have been marginalised for generations. It concludes that EU-Tunisia security talks and dialogues remain ineffective as long as the root causes of illegal migration have not been addressed. Keywords: illegal migration, Tunisian rap, resistance, marginalization, security, immobility, identity


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