In the Shadow of Revolution

Author(s):  
James McDougall

This chapter surveys Algerian society and politics from 1999 to 2012, considering the country’s domestic and international situation in the context of the transition from the violence of the 1990s and the regional upheaval of the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions of 2011. In an era of neoliberalism, generational change, new forms of regional and global connectivity and a renewed wave of popular protest, Algeria’s revolution and the once-imagined future of the Third World that it long stood for remained an inspiration and, at the same time, a long-unfulfilled aspiration. As Algeria celebrated fifty years of independence, the wave of protest and change engulfing the Arab world from Tunisia to Syria largely bypassed the region’s most iconically revolutionary nation. The chapter will consider the long- and short-term reasons for this, and explore how, after the war of the 1990s, Algeria’s political system has been able to maintain a status quo that, however structurally untenable in the longer term, seems capable of reproducing itself indefinitely for the present. Behind the successive revolutionary experiences of the 1960s-70s, 1988, and 2011, remain the unfulfilled promises of the insurrection of 1 November 1954, the unresolved question of establishing the rule of law and that of a state constituted by and for its people.

2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
LaNada War Jack

The author reflects on her personal experience as a Native American at UC Berkeley in the 1960s as well as on her activism and important leadership roles in the 1969 Third World Liberation Front student strike, which had as its goal the creation of an interdisciplinary Third World College at the university.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis

Tunisia A has long been regarded as a model of political development and stability in the Third World. There is no doubt that the charismatic Habib Bourguiba, the aging (71) yet indefatigable leader of an effective nation-wide party apparatus, has helped ensure Tunisia's development from the period of the pre-independence struggle until today. It is not unnatural, therefore, given the critical role of Bourguiba in the operation of the political system, to question the degree of institutionalisation, stability, modernity, and democracy that Tunisia could retain after the passing of its dynamic leader.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.


1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-198
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez

Brazilian educator Paulo Freire played an influential role in the development of grass-roots religious movements throughout the Third World from the 1960s to 1980s. Partaking of the Enlightenment affirmation of critical thinking as the key emancipatory tool, Freire's pedagogical method has empowered hitherto marginalized subjects. Toward the end of the 1980s, however, postmodernist critiques of Enlightenment rationality as domination have raised some troublesome doubts about the viability of modernist emancipatory projects, including Freire's method. In this article, I reformulate Freire's method to respond to the challenges of postmodernist critiques. I argue that despite some serious shortcomings, the emancipatory impulse behind Freire's pedagogy is worth preserving. Further, I see a revised Freirean approach as a salutary counterpoint to postmodernism's excessive localism and elective affinity with neoliberal capitalism.


1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabeel A. Khoury

Studies of legislatures in developing countries have to contend with a great deal of cynicism owing, in part, to a political controversy concerning the role of the legislative institution in the Third World. The executive branch, which is generally dominant in developing nations, often uses the legislature to legitimize executive actions. Legislators who agree to serve the executive in this fashion often exaggerate or misrepresent the importance of the legislature in their political system. Conversely, opposition groups, who are frequently excluded from the political process in Third World countries, denigrate the role of legislatures and often exaggerate their ineffectiveness. Scholars have mostly ingnored the role of legislatures in the process of development.


2004 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawit Kiros Fantaye

Economic crime is one of the most serious crimes endangering the national security and public safety of any country. It is directly associated with legal, political, social, human rights and development issues. In particular, economic crime harms Third World countries such as Ethiopia where poverty is prevalent and the economy is poor and supported by foreign aid and loans. White-collar employees like higher government officials and businessmen play a key role in creating and increasing economic crimes, namely corruption, embezzlement and fraud, all over the world. It is therefore important that any form of economic crime is identified and punished severely, by appropriate prison terms according to the seriousness of the offence. By applying these kinds of penalties to economic criminals, the rate and frequency of economic crime can be minimised and, simultaneously, pave a way to the fundamental practices of democracy, government transparency and the dominance of the rule of law in the country. The main purpose of this article is to explain the effect of corruption in Third World countries and ways in which it can be combated, in particular by the imposition of heavy penalties on those who choose to commit economic crimes in Third World countries. It is argued that this must be done to protect human rights, to bring about political and social stabilisation, to ensure effective and even distribution of national wealth and, eventually, to secure democracy and sustainable development in the Third World countries.


1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Oldenburg

Corruption—like the weather—is a phenomenon people in the third world talk about a great deal, and, it would seem, do little about. Scholars of political change in the third world share this interest, but—although they are usually not expected to deal with corruption itself —they should move beyond the recounting of vivid anecdotes to a more systematic analysis of the problem. Steps in this direction were made in the 1960s and 1970s, but surprisingly little more work has been done since.


1967 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belkacem Saadallah

The present leaders in the Third World are mainly drawn from élites who, in one way or another, were the product of the colonial era. Algeria, of course, is no exception. Although she was always part of the Arab world, French rule, to which she was subjected for more than a century, left a strong impact. One of the results of the colonial era in Algeria was the rise, in the late nineteenth century, of a French-educated elite who tried, despite their limited number, to find a formula by which the native and colonial societies could live together harmoniously. The purpose of this short study is to trace the origins of these Algerians who, without doubt, were among the pioneers of these élites in Africa.


Author(s):  
Roger Pfister

Talking about Africa’s right to information means talking about communication in Africa and in the Third World generally. In Africa the channels of communication were underdeveloped or inappropriate as a consequence of the continent’s colonial past. The resulting lack of information was, among other reasons, an impediment to national development in African states after their independence. Until the 1980s, the principal means of communication were newspapers, books, telephones, radio and TV. However, with the development of modern technology, the proliferation of satellites, the advance in the computer industry and, most recently, with the advent of Internet new forms of communication were added. This contribution outlines the initiatives and discussions from the 1960s to the 1980s on the relationship between economic development and access to information in the Third World generally and in Africa in particular. The second part deals with the new communication technologies, the areas of application in Africa and their possible impact on Africa’s development. The author takes a rather pessimistic attitude as far as the advancement of sustainable development in Africa through information technology is concerned, unless such technology is applied to local circumstances.


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