scholarly journals ISLAMISTER OG KLUBLIV I GAZASTRIBEN

Author(s):  
Michael Irving Jensen

Michael Irving Jensen: Islamists and Club Milieu in the Gaza Strip The article deals with Islamic social institutions in the Gaza Strip. The author considers these institutions as being part of Palestinian civil society. However, the bulk of the article is focused on one aspect of the work that the Islamic social institutions carry out; namely sport activities. The article is based on qualitative interviews, carried out by the author, with young men playing football in an Islamic club (ciosely related to the Hamas movement). Among the questions raised are: Why do young men choose to play football in an Islamic club? What are their perceptions of the political situation in the Gaza Strip? How do they view the relationship between Islam and politics in general? The interviews reveal - not unsurprisingly - that the young Islamists playing football do not equal the stereotype of an Islamist, i.e. a young fanatic with long beard and a wild look in the face. On the contrary, they are young men willing and able to cope with the modem world. From the interviews it is evident that high moral standards, more than anything else, attract these young men. Although further empirical work needs to be done, one could conclude tentatively that a good Islamist can play club football three times a week.

Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter examines the Islamic Resistance Movement or Hamas, which was established at the beginning of the first Palestinian uprising in December 1987. This analysis of Hamas focuses on its social dimensions and on the relationship between its social and political sectors, primarily in the Gaza Strip, where the Islamist movement in Palestine is most concentrated. The chapter also explores the ways in which Islamic political institutions interact with and/or influence social institutions and vice versa, the nature of Islamic social and political mobilization in Palestine and the links between them, the changing nature of Islamically legitimized action in the public and political spheres, and the slowly emerging secularization of religious discourse as a way of adapting to existing social and political realities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.


Author(s):  
Maria Grazia Imperiale ◽  
Alison Phipps ◽  
Giovanna Fassetta

AbstractThis article contributes to conversations on hospitality in educational settings, with a focus on higher education and the online context. We integrate Derrida’s ethics of hospitality framework with a focus on practices of hospitality, including its affective and material, embodied dimension (Zembylas: Stud Philos Educ 39:37–50, 2019). This article offers empirical examples of practices of what we termed ‘virtual academic hospitality’: during a series of online collaborative and cross borders workshops with teachers of English based in the Gaza Strip (Palestine), we performed academic hospitality through virtual convivial rituals and the sharing of virtual gifts, which are illustrated here. We propose a revision of the concept of academic hospitality arguing that: firstly, academic hospitality is not limited to intellectual conversations; secondly, that the relationship between hospitality and mobility needs to be revised, since hospitality mediated by the technological medium can be performed, and technology may even stretch hospitality towards the unreachable ‘unconditional hospitality’ theorised by Derrida (Of hospitality: Anne Dufourmantelle invited Jacques Derrida to respond. Stanford University Press, Stanford, 2000); and thirdly, that indigenous epistemics, with their focus on the affective, may offer alternative understandings of conviviality within the academy. These points may contribute to the collective development of a new paradigmatic understanding of hospitality, one which integrates Western and indigenous traditions of hospitality, and which includes the online environment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Abdelaziz M. Thabet ◽  
Sanaa S. Thabet

<p><em>Aim:</em><em> This study investigated the relationship between trauma due to winter storm Alexa, PTSD and other mental health problems of Palestinian in Gaza Strip.</em><em> </em><em>Method:</em><em> The sample consisted of 105 males (50%) and 105 females (50%) selected from three of the most affected areas by flooding in 2014 due to Alexa storm in Gaza Strip. Participants age range was 20-65 years, with a mean age 40.88 (SD = 9.8)</em><em>,</em><em> with a mean age of years. Mental health status was assessed by a sociodemographic scale, the Trauma Due to Flood Scale, PTSD scale, and General Health Questionnaire (28 items). Results: Mean traumatic events experienced were 7.8. There were no statistically significant differences between males and females in reporting traumatic events. Mean post-traumatic stress disorder was 18.65, re-experiences symptoms was 6.4, avoidance symptoms was 5.7 and mean arousal symptoms was 5.73. </em></p><p><em>The study showed that 34.8% reported full criteria of PTSD. There were no statistically significant differences in PTSD total scores and subscales and sex of participants. Mean GHQ-28 was 12.12, somatization mean was 3.21, anxiety was 3.31, social dysfunction was 3.34, and depression was 2.27, 91% of the participants were rated as psychiatric morbidity cases and need further investigation. Males significantly scored more in social dysfunction than females. Traumatic events were significantly correlated with PTSD and general mental health and all subscales.</em><em> </em><em>Conclusion and implications</em><em>: </em><em>This study has important implications for need of establishing and implementing psychosocial intervention programs for in the Gaza Strip not only for those victims of political violence but also for people exposed to other types of traumatic events such as natural disasters. </em></p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 426-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Wainwright

Technologies for medicinal oxygen delivery at home are increasingly part of the global health technology landscape in the face of rising rates of chronic lung and heart diseases. From the mere notion of harvesting and privatizing oxygen from the atmosphere to its status as both dangerous and therapeutic, and finally to its capacity to both extend and limit life, oxygen as therapy materializes its status as an ambivalent object in global health. This analysis of ethnographic material from Uruguay and South Africa on the experience of home oxygen therapy is guided by philosopher Don Ihde’s postphenomenology – a pragmatic philosophical approach for analysing the relationships between humans and technologies. Participants related to their oxygen devices as limiting-enablers, as markers of illness and measures of recovery, and as precious and limited resources. Oxygen was materialized in many forms, each with their own characteristics shaping the ‘amplification/reduction’ character of the relationship as well as the degree to which the devices became ‘transparent’ to their users. Ihde’s four types of human–technology relations – embodiment, hermeneutic, alterity and background relations – are at play in the multistability of oxygen. Importantly, the lack of technological ‘transparency’, in Ihde’s sense of the term, reflects not only the materiality of oxygen but inequality too. While postphenomenology adds a productive material and technological flavour to phenomenology, the author argues that a critical postphenomenology is needed to engage with the political-economy of human–oxygen technology relations.


The Last Card ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 296-313
Author(s):  
Joshua Rovner

This chapter studies the relationship between strategy and the surge. Strategy is the bridge that links military operations and political objectives in war. A practical strategy describes those objectives and explains how military action will achieve them. The chapter disputes the idea that the surge constituted a new US strategy in Iraq. Instead, it can be considered as a “decision to put strategy on hold.” The surge, the chapter argues, encouraged a perverse strategic effect—by obscuring the political objectives of the war, it undercut efforts to forge competent and self-reliant governance in Iraq and contributed to the breakdown of the Iraqi state in the face of the subsequent rise of the Islamic State.


2019 ◽  
pp. 107-130
Author(s):  
Samy Cohen

2006-2010: during these four decisive years in the history of the peace movement, the movement experienced a dramatic eclipse. Within an Israeli society that had grown increasingly nationalist, more attached to symbols of Jewish identity and the memory of the Holocaust, more concerned than ever about security, and less interested in making peace with the Palestinians, the movement was incapable both of promoting a message of peace and taking a stance on the subject of human rights. It seemed apathetic, paralyzed, almost non-existent in the face of the terrible events that marked the period. This chapter shows how and why this eclipse occurred. These years were punctuated by two large-scale military operations, the war in Lebanon in July 2006 and Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip from late 2008 to early 2009. These hostilities caused turmoil in the Israeli collective psychology and the perception of war and peace.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 938-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Laxer

AbstractIn July 2010, following a year-long nationwide debate over Islamic veiling, the French government passed a law prohibiting facial coverings in all public spaces. Prior research attributes this and other restrictive laws to France's republican secular tradition. This article takes a different approach. Building on literature that sees electoral politics as a site for articulating, rather than merely reflecting, social identities, I argue that the 2010 ban arose in significant part out of political parties’ struggles to demarcate the boundaries of legitimate politics in the face of an ultra-right electoral threat. Specifically, I show that in seeking to prevent the ultra-right National Front party from monopolizing the religious signs issue, France's major right and left parties agreed to portray republicanism as requiring the exclusion of face veiling from public space. Because it was forged in conflict, however, the consensus thus generated is highly fractured and unstable. It conceals ongoing conflict, both between and within political parties, over the precise meaning(s) of French republican nationhood. The findings thus underscore the relationship between boundary-drawing in the political sphere and the process of demarcating the cultural and political boundaries of nationhood in contexts of immigrant diversity.


2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamer Qarmout ◽  
Daniel Béland

International aid to the Palestinian Authority is conditioned in part on democratization and good governance. However, since Hamas's victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections and its takeover of the Gaza Strip, aid agencies have supported the international boycott of the Hamas government. This article argues that aid agencies, by operating in Gaza while boycotting its government, subvert their mandates and serve the political interests of donors and the PA rather than the humanitarian and development needs of Gazans. As a consequence, assistance has, inadvertently and unintentionally, increased Gazans' dependence on humanitarian aid, impeded economic development, and enabled Israel to maintain its occupation and the blockade of Gaza.


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