scholarly journals The Inuit as geographers: The case of Eenoolooapik

2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. G. Jones

AbstractRecent studies reveal an increasing number of instances in which Qallunaat benefited from Inuit knowledge of the lands and waters upon which they had lived for centuries. One of the best recorded examples of Inuit geographical knowledge is found in the story of Eenoolooapik, who led to the European rediscovery of Cumberland Sound 250 years after it was first explored and named by John Davis. Taken as a young man from Baffin Island to Scotland in 1839, Eenoolooapik excited whaling captain William Penny with stories of a large, whale-rich body of water then unknown to European and American whalers. “Eenoo,” as he was popularly called, drew a map of the coastline of eastern Baffin showing a deep bay known by the Inuit as “Tenudiackbeek,” and upon their return the next summer, Penny skeptically followed Eenoolooapik’s directions into a large bay in which the Inuk had spent his childhood. Thus the youngster’s geographical knowledge of his homeland resulted in the opening to whalers of a long-lost body of water in which, in the next decade, shore stations were established that offered seasonal employment to the Inuit and dramatically changed their lives. The story of Eenoolooapik is told in a small book by Alexander M’Donald,A Narrative of Some Passages in the History of Eenoolooapik[…] published in Edinburgh in 1841. This is probably the only nineteenth-century full-length biography of an Inuk published during the subject’s lifetime; and because copies of the book are exceedingly rare, the following article provides a synopsis as a means of portraying more fully the geographical contributions of Eenoolooapik.

2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne E. Jennings

ABSTRACTAcoustic and core data from Cumberland Sound show that glacial ice derived from the Foxe Sector (Amadjuak Dome) of the Laurentide Ice Sheet advanced to the continental shelf at the mouth of the sound during a late phase of the Foxe Glaciation. The basal lithofacies/acoustic unit (Ai/BUD) in the sound is a massive, black diamicton. On the basis of strati-graphic, acoustic, lithologie and faunal evidence, this unit is interpreted as till. The till is overlain by an ice proximal to ice distal glacial-marine sediment sequence termed the Davis Strait Silt (DSS). The influence of ice retreat is reflected in the foraminiferal assemblages of the DSS. Rapid sedimentation rates in the sound prevailed during deposition of the DSS as shown by the conformable geometry of the DSS. Accelerator Mass Spectrometry dates on molluscs and foraminifera and a single conventional 14C date on disseminated organic material from ice proximal sediment of the DSS (lithofacies B and lower lithofacies C) indicate that the ice retreated rapidly from its probable maximum position on the shelf no earlier than ca. 13,400 BP and into the fiords along the coast of the sound by ca. 8900 BP. Deposition of ice-distal glacial marine sediments (lower lithofacies D) continued in the sound until ca. 7600 BP as the ice margin rapidly retreated into the fiords. Between ca. 8900 BP and ca. 8000 BP, the foraminiferal fauna show that the influence of glacial ice is remote and that "Atlantic Water" impinges on the seafloor. Postglacial sedimentation began in the sound at ca. 7600 BP. Retreat of the ice margin onto land made the fiord basins available as sediment catchments. The reduced sedimentation rates in the sound during this interval are indicated by the change to onlapping basin fill geometry of the Tiniktartuq Silt and Clay (TS&C). Calcareous foraminifera disappear from the sediments by ca. 6300 BP and are replaced by agglutinated foraminifera reflecting "Arctic Water" conditions at the seafloor. The TS&C is presently being deposited in the sound.


Author(s):  
Claudio Greppi

In the issue of Geotema dedicated to travel (“Travel as source of geographical knowledge”), in 1997, Massimo Quaini’s article topic was “The geographical invention of verticality: for the history of the ‘discovery’ of mountains”. It concerns a fundamental segment of the history of geographical knowledge, between eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, involving both the Old and New World: Saussure in the Alps and Humboldt in the Andes. He had already worked on this same topic in other occasions, investigating institutions like CAI in Italy, and mountain’s role in the ‘official’ geography. Such lectures mark a path that, I think, finds a theoretical output in 2006 Parma conference, dedicated to the “end of the travel”, where Quaini spoke about “Between Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century: the travel and the new paradigm of geography”: a rich and problematic lecture, opening to further researches. But perhaps before this point of arrival, the new paradigm, I would suggest to think on an idea offered by the Geotema article, where we read: “so, if we want to fully speak of discovering the mountains it will be necessary that the culture of the outside travellers meet that of the mountaineers”. Actually, in Quaini's last lecture I take into consideration, the one at Forte di Bard in September 2006, his attention shifts definitely on the figures of alpine travellers, who may encounter knowledge acquired from local culture.


2003 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-JüRgen Lechtreck

Two early nineteenth century texts treating the production and use of wax models of fruit reveal the history of these objects in the context of courtly decoration. Both sources emphasise the models' decorative qualities and their suitability for display, properties which were not simply by-products of the realism that the use of wax allowed. Thus, such models were not regarded merely as visual aids for educational purposes. The artists who created them sought to entice collectors of art and natural history objects, as well as teachers and scientists. Wax models of fruits are known to have been collected and displayed as early as the seventeenth century, although only one such collection is extant. Before the early nineteenth century models of fruits made from wax or other materials (glass, marble, faience) were considered worthy of display because contemporaries attached great importance to mastery of the cultivation and grafting of fruit trees. This skill could only be demonstrated by actually showing the fruits themselves. Therefore, wax models made before the early nineteenth century may also be regarded as attempts to preserve natural products beyond the point of decay.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Funk

In the history of botany, Adam Zalužanský (d. 1613), a Bohemian physician, apothecary, botanist and professor at the University of Prague, is a little-known personality. Linnaeus's first biographers, for example, only knew Zalužanský from hearsay and suspected he was a native of Poland. This ignorance still pervades botanical history. Zalužanský is mentioned only peripherally or not at all. As late as the nineteenth century, a researcher would be unaware that Zalužanský’s main work Methodi herbariae libri tres actually existed in two editions from two different publishers (1592, Prague; 1604, Frankfurt). This paper introduces the life and work of Zalužanský. Special attention is paid to the chapter “De sexu plantarum” of Zalužanský’s Methodus, in which, more than one hundred years before the well-known De sexu plantarum epistola of R. J. Camerarius, the sexuality of plants is suggested. Additionally, for the first time, an English translation of Zalužanský’s chapter on plant sexuality is provided.


2002 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-336
Author(s):  
PIOTR DASZKIEWICZ ◽  
MICHEL JEGU

ABSTRACT: This paper discusses some correspondence between Robert Schomburgk (1804–1865) and Adolphe Brongniart (1801–1876). Four letters survive, containing information about the history of Schomburgk's collection of fishes and plants from British Guiana, and his herbarium specimens from Dominican Republic and southeast Asia. A study of these letters has enabled us to confirm that Schomburgk supplied the collection of fishes from Guiana now in the Laboratoire d'Ichtyologie, Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle, Paris. The letters of the German naturalist are an interesting source of information concerning the practice of sale and exchange of natural history collections in the nineteenth century in return for honours.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 719-779
Author(s):  
David Gutkin

H. Lawrence Freeman's “Negro Jazz Grand Opera,” Voodoo, was premiered in 1928 in Manhattan's Broadway district. Its reception bespoke competing, racially charged values that underpinned the idea of the “modern” in the 1920s. The white press critiqued the opera for its allegedly anxiety-ridden indebtedness to nineteenth-century European conventions, while the black press hailed it as the pathbreaking work of a “pioneer composer.” Taking the reception history of Voodoo as a starting point, this article shows how Freeman's lifelong project, the creation of what he would call “Negro Grand Opera,” mediated between disparate and sometimes apparently irreconcilable figurations of the modern that spanned the late nineteenth century through the interwar years: Wagnerism, uplift ideology, primitivism, and popular music (including, but not limited to, jazz). I focus on Freeman's inheritance of a worldview that could be called progressivist, evolutionist, or, to borrow a term from Wilson Moses, civilizationist. I then trace the complex relationship between this mode of imagining modernity and subsequent versions of modernism that Freeman engaged with during the first decades of the twentieth century. Through readings of Freeman's aesthetic manifestos and his stylistically syncretic musical corpus I show how ideas about race inflected the process by which the qualitatively modern slips out of joint with temporal modernity. The most substantial musical analysis examines leitmotivic transformations that play out across Freeman's jazz opera American Romance (1924–29): lions become subways; Mississippi becomes New York; and jazz, like modernity itself, keeps metamorphosing. A concluding section considers a broader set of questions concerning the historiography of modernism and modernity.


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