scholarly journals The First Hurrah: Edmonton Elects a Mayor, 1983

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jame Lightbody
Keyword(s):  
Local Elections ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Participant Observer ◽  
The City

This article by a participant-observer describes the four-part winning electoral strategy of Laurence Décore who was elected the thirty-first mayor of Edmonton on 17 October, 1983. Since the war, Edmonton's local elections have been dominated by purely local "nonpartisan" slates and like-minded independents. The 1983 compaign represented a dramatic re-affirmation of anti-party sentiments in the municipal electoral process of the city.

The 2018 Municipal Elections in Jerusalem: A Tale of Fragmentation and Polarization

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-24
Author(s):  
Csaba Nikolenyi
Keyword(s):  
Municipal Government ◽  
City Council ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Arab Population ◽  
Decision To Leave ◽  
The City ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
East Jerusalem

This article analyzes the 2018 local elections in Jerusalem, the contested capital of the State of Israel. These elections were unique in terms of their level of competitiveness and fragmentation as well as producing a highly divided local government in the wake of the incumbent mayor’s, Nir Barkat’s, decision to leave the local political scene and enter national politics. While his party has no representation in city council, the new mayor of Jerusalem, Moshe Lion, built a broadly based new coalition that includes all parties in the council except for Hitorerut, the party that won the most seats and whose mayoral candidate, Ofer Berkovitch, was the runner-up to Lion. With the exception of the ultra-orthodox parties, national political parties that sought to interfere with the local electoral process to promote their candidates and lists by and large failed. Therefore, the governance of the city of Jerusalem once again fell under the control of the ultra-orthodox majority. Furthermore, even though the Arab population of East Jerusalem largely continued its traditional abstention from the electoral process, there was some evidence to suggest that a slight shift was taking place in that community in favor of participating in the institutional process of municipal government and democracy.

scholarly journals Constructing an Urban Drug Ecology in 1970s Canada

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Greg Marquis
Keyword(s):  
Addiction Treatment ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Final Report ◽  
Local Market ◽  
Initial Report ◽  
Intelligence Gathering ◽  
Unpublished Studies ◽  
Organizational Features ◽  
Participant Observer ◽  
The City

In 1970, youthful researchers carried out participant-observer studies of the drug scene in Vancouver, Winnipeg, Toronto, Montreal, and Halifax. This ethnographic research, prepared for the federal Commission of Inquiry into the Non-Medical Use of Drugs (the LeDain Commission), was part of the commission’s extensive series of unpublished studies. The commission, which released an initial report in 1970, one on cannabis in 1972 and a final report in 1973, adopted a broad approach to the issue of drugs and society. This article examines the unpublished studies as examples of social science “intelligence gathering” on urban social problems. The reports discussed the local market in illegal drugs, its geographic patterns and organizational features, the demographic characteristics of drug sellers and consumers, the culture of the drug scene, and the attitudes of users. Unlike earlier sociological and anthropological studies that focused on prisoners and lower-class “junkies” or more recent studies that examine marginalized inner-city populations, the city studies reflected the era’s fixation on middle-class youth culture and the addiction-treatment sphere’s growing concern with amphetamine abuse.

scholarly journals Toronto's 2018 Municipal Election, Rights of Democratic Participation, and Section 2(b) of the Charter

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Jamie Cameron ◽  
Bailey Fox
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
City Council ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Democratic Participation ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Municipal Election ◽  
The City

In 2018, the City of Toronto’s municipal election overlapped with a provincial election that brought a new government to office. While the municipal election ran for a protracted period from May 1 to October 22, the provincial election began on May 9 and ended about four weeks later, on June 7.1 On July 27, after only a few weeks in office, the provincial government tabled the Better Local Government Act (BLGA) and proclaimed the Bill into law on August 14.2 The BLGA reduced Toronto City Council from 47 to 25 wards and reset the electoral process, mandating that the election proceed under a different concept of representation for City Council.3

Weakening the Strong Mayor: Partisan Division and Presidential Intervention in Istanbul

2021 ◽  
pp. 0160323X2110453
Author(s):  
İhsan İkizer
Keyword(s):  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Central Government ◽  
City Council ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Central Government Agencies ◽  
Mayoral Leadership ◽  
The City ◽  
Ruling Party

Istanbul, the leading city of Turkey, is a good case for analyzing the conflictual relations of the mayor with the city council and the central government. Istanbul had been governed by the mayors from the ruling party, the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; AKP) and its predecessor parties since 1994. In the local elections held in March 2019, which was repeated only for Istanbul after two months with a highly suspicious decision by the Supreme Election Board, the AKP lost this city. Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul, has harsh relations with the city council, which is dominated by the AKP and its alliance party, the Nationalist Movement Party ( Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi; MHP). What exacerbates this situation is the partisan intervention of the increasingly authoritarian central government that weakens the mayor's position. The mayor tries to counterbalance the power of the city council and central government agencies through livestreaming the city council meetings and attracting civic engagement on his side. This article is expected to contribute to the literature on mayoral leadership, partisan constraints to mayoral powers as well as the mayor's strategies against the authoritarian intervention of the central governments. Mayor İmamoğlu's strategies and measures adopted for overcoming the efforts of blocking his agenda by both the council and central government might inspire other mayors experiencing similar partisan constraints.

Violence in the Dutch Patriot Revolution

1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Te Brake
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Identity ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Municipal Politics ◽  
Town Council ◽  
Worship Service ◽  
William Iii ◽  
The City ◽  
The Town ◽  
Foregone Conclusion

In the small provincial cities of the eastern Netherlands, the annual election of magistrates and town councilors was perhaps the most important public ritualof the year under the old regime. The elaborate and often solemn ceremony symbolized ancient chartered liberties—even when results of the co-optative elections were a foregone conclusion—and thus served to reinforce the community's sense of corporate identity. In 1786, however, in the midst of astruggle for control of the city, the annual Petrikeur in Deventer got out of hand. The day started out normally enough with the traditional worship service in the Grote Kerk, but after the black-robed members of the town council had passed in procession across the square to the stadhuis, a group of dissident councilors, who called themselves Patriots and were implacably opposed to the influence of the stadhouder in municipal politics, attacked aportrait of Prince William III of Orange, the stadhouder who in 1675 first insinuated himself into the electoral process.

scholarly journals The 2019 Local Elections in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 159-180
Author(s):  
Joaquín Martín Cubas ◽  
Pilar Rochina Garzón ◽  
Francisco Clemente González
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Area ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Institutional Performance ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Right ◽  
Franco Dictatorship ◽  
The City

Voting behaviour in Valencia’s Metropolitan Area can be split into four periods: (1) During the early years of democracy (1979-1991) following the Franco dictatorship, the area was a stronghold of the Left; (2) In 1991, the City of Valencia switched and was governed by the Right; (3) In 2011, the Right extended its control to the whole of the Metropolitan Area; (4) In the May 2015 elections, the Left won not only in the ‘red’ metropolitan belt but also in the City of Valencia. This study looks at what happened in the last set of local elections in 2019. To this end, we begin with a brief review of the election results, voting trends, and the institutional performance of each party since the first post-dictatorship local elections in 1979. We then go on to analyse the electoral behaviour of each of the parties, breaking this down by geographical variables: town/village size, comarcas (‘counties’), and the so-called ‘red belt’ before drawing our conclusions.

To Participation and Beyond?

2014 ◽  
pp. 215-228
Author(s):  
Paul Burton ◽  
Stephen Hilton
Keyword(s):  
Social Inclusion ◽  
City Council ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Local Program ◽  
The Times ◽  
The City

This chapter provides a case study of local developments in e-democracy in the city of Bristol, UK. Although some of these developments relate to periodic local elections, most are concerned with supporting new forms of engagement between local citizens and local government institutions and processes in the times between these. Starting with the coordination of its own consultation activities, then encouraging greater participation in council-run activities, and finally supporting grass roots engagement activities, Bristol City Council embarked on a local program of e-democracy activities from 2000 onwards. This grew into a national pilot scheme that enabled a number of valuable comparative evaluations of e-democracy in practice. The chapter draws on the results of a number of evaluations of these local and national developments and highlights the more widespread and enduring challenges of trying to broaden the scope and the effectiveness of local democracy and improve the practices of social inclusion.

The Postwar Moment

2019 ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Joshua Cole
Keyword(s):  
Local Elections ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
War Effort ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anti Jewish ◽  
The Right ◽  
National Emergency ◽  
The City ◽  
First World

The First World War was an important turning point in the history of French Algeria because many Algerians—both citizens and colonial subjects—participated in the war effort. The participation of Muslim Algerians in this national emergency created pressures for reform, resulting in a new law in 1919 that gave many Algerian Muslims the right to vote and run for office in local elections. This chapter explores the immediate consequences of this development along with an episode of anti-Jewish agitation in 1921 in Constantine when Muslim residents of the city refused to respond to attempts by settler anti-Semites to incite violence against the city’s Jews.

A Japanese House of Councillors Election: Support Mobilization and Political Recruitment

1967 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradley M. Richardson
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Political Recruitment

Research on the Japanese electoral process has quite legitimately focused on a broad range of topics. Elections in Japan have been studied from the perspective of national issues and evaluation of their popular appeal, description and analysis of voting behaviour patterns, and identification of the support mobilization efforts and campaign postures of individual candidates. Of the various kinds of electoral contests, those of the House of Representatives and local elections have received the greatest attention.

scholarly journals Una aproximación a la administración municipal comparada. Los casos de los gobiernos locales de Austin y Hermosillo

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (15) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolás Pineda Pablos
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Government Structure ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Local Citizenship ◽  
The One ◽  
And Control ◽  
The City

Resumen: Este trabajo hace una breve descripción comparada de los gobiernos y administraciones locales de la ciudad de Austin, Texas, y del municipio de Hermosillo, Sonora. El propósito que mueve la comparación es revisar el grado de autonomía y los lazos y vínculos de control existentes en cada gobierno local tanto con respecto a los niveles estatal y federal de gobierno como con la ciudadanía de cada lugar. De este modo se revisan los aspectos del concepto de gobierno local, de la base legal, de la conformación del máximo órgano de gobierno, del ámbito sustantivo de funciones, la estructura financiera de ingreso y gasto y la participación electoral. La conclusión general es que el municipio de Hermosillo se denota por un lado estrechamente atado y controlado por el gobierno estatal y federal y, por otro, con una débil relación con la ciudadanía local. Se aprecia, sin embargo, en el aspecto electoral una fuerte intencionalidad de cambio con base en la alta participación electoral existente en Hermosillo.Palabras clave: Política comparada, Autonomía política, Austin, Hermosillo, estructura de gobierno.Abstract:This work makes a brief comparative description of local governments and administrations of the city of Austin, Texas, and the municipality of Hermosillo, Sonora. The leading purpose is to review the extent of autonomy and control existing in each local government both in relation to state and federal governments and to local citizens. Thus the concepts of local government, legal base, the integration of the highest government unit, the range of substantive functions, financial structure of revenue and expenditure, and electoral participation are reviewed. The general conclusion is that the Hermosillo municipality shows up on the one side closely tied and controlled by state and federal governments and, on the other side, a very weak liaison to local citizenship. However a strong thrust towards change is perceived in the high extent of participation in local elections in Hermosillo.Palabras clave: Comparative politics, Political autonomy, Austin, Hermosillo, Government structure.

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