scholarly journals In Memoriam por el “maestro” Lorenzo Ferrer Figueras. Los Modelos Sistémicos aplicados en el proceso de balcanización y contradicción global. Algunas ilustraciones para entender el Paradigma Sistémico en un marco de Complejidad-In Memoriam: Lorenzo Ferrer Figueras. Systemic Models applied to balkanization process and global contradictions. Illustrations to understand Systemic Paradigm within a framework of Complexity

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Jose Rodolfo Hernandez-Carrion
Keyword(s):  
Regional Model ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
European Committee ◽  
European Model ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Crucial Problem ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
In Memoriam ◽  
Committee Of The Regions ◽  
Systemic Paradigm

Abstract: The crucial problem that Science has to face today is to successfully cope with the growing complexity of society. To understand the system to which we belong to, it is necessary to understand the nature of interdependence: the greater the interdependence is, the greater the need for communication and cooperation. The European model, which initially promised to be a social and regional model, decentralized and democratic, is blocked. A situation that we can describe as no-evolution, that Spain also suffers at the same time as Europe, when it comes to progress towards a mature and democratic state, what was expected since the beginning of the transition to democracy. The debate can be thought from the “European Committee of the Regions” (CoR) or “Europe of the regions”, or dismantle that topic, which would entail an involution from the reduction of decentralization and heterogeneity that sustains a higher complexity. Resumen: El problema crucial que la Ciencia tiene que encarar hoy es hacer frente con éxito a la complejidad creciente de la sociedad. Para entender el sistema al que pertenecemos, es necesario comprender la naturaleza de la interdependencia: mientras mayor sea la interdependencia, mayor será la necesidad de comunicación y cooperación. El modelo europeo, que inicialmente prometía ser un modelo social y regional, descentralizado y democrático, está bloqueado. Una situación que podemos calificar de no evolución, que paralelamente también sufre España como Europa, a la hora de progresar hacia un estado maduro y democrático, lo que se apuntaba en el principio de la transición hacia la democracia. El debate cabe pensarlo desde el “Comité Europeo de las Regiones” (CoR) o la “Europa de las regiones”, o desmontar ese tópico, lo que conllevaría una involución a partir de la reducción de descentralización y heterogeneidad que sostiene una superior complejidad.

scholarly journals The European Committee of the Regions as a watchdog of the principle of subsidiarity

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-301
Author(s):  
Salvatore Fabio Nicolosi ◽  
Lisette Mustert
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
European Committee ◽  
Legislative Proposal ◽  
The Right ◽  
Committee Of The Regions ◽  
Regional Funds ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Eu

In a resolution adopted on 1 February 2018, the European Committee of the Regions noted that a legislative proposal of the European Commission concerning a Regulation that changes the rules governing the EU regional funds for 2014-2020 did not comply with the principle of subsidiarity. Accordingly, the Committee considered challenging the legislative proposal before the Court of Justice if the proposal was formally agreed upon. Although at a later stage the European Commission decided to take into account the Committee’s argument and amended the proposal accordingly, such a context offers the chance to investigate more in detail the role of the Committee of the Regions in the legislative process of the EU and, more in particular, its role as a watchdog of the principle of subsidiarity. This paper aims to shed light on a rather neglected aspect of the EU constitutional practice, such as the potential of the Committee of the Regions to contribute to the legislative process, and answer the question of whether this Committee is the right body to guarantee compliance with the principle of subsidiarity.

scholarly journals Dos cuestiones clave en la regulación jurídica de los partidos políticos: financiación y democracia interna = Two Key Issues in the legal Regulation of political Parties: Financing and internal Democracy

2015 ◽  
pp. 183
Author(s):  
Martin Morlok
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Essential Element ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Toma De Decisiones ◽  
Political Decision Making

Political parties are an essential element for the correct functioning of a democratic state. Through them, citizens may express their interests and beliefs, but also participate in political decision-making. For these reasons, in order to ensure that the parties comply with theis duties, it is necessary the existence of its regulation, specifically of two of its most problematic areas: its financing and its internal democracy. This paper focuses on these two aspects starting from the idea that the democratic process is a competitive process and that in any democratic process, all citizens should have equal opportunities to express their beliefs and interests in the political field. To achieve this goal it is necessary, on the one hand regulate the financial system of political parties, which ultimately will determine the resources of the parties and their chance of success; and on the other hand, it is necessary regulate the process of decision-making within the same party, as this will be a mechanism that may reach to concrete the subjects who will occupy positions of political decision-making positions.Los partidos políticos constituyen un elemento indispensable para el correcto funcionamiento de un Estado democrático. A través de ellos, los ciudadanos expresan sus intereses y creencias, pero también participan en la toma de decisiones políticas. Por estos motivos, con el fin de garantizar que los partidos cumplan con sus funciones, se hace necesaria la existencia de una regulación de los mismos, concretamente de dos de sus ámbitos más problemáticos: su financiación y la democracia interna. Este trabajo se centra en estos dos aspectos partiendo de la idea de que el proceso democrático es un proceso competitivo y de que en todo proceso democrático, todos los ciudadanos deberían tener las mismas oportunidades para expresar sus creencias e intereses en el terreno político. Para conseguir este objetivo se hace necesario, por un lado regular el sistema financiero de los partidos políticos, que en último término, determinará los recursos de los partidos y su posibilidad de éxito; y, por otro lado, se hace necesario regular el proceso de toma de decisiones dentro del mismo partido, pues será este un mecanismo que podrá a llegar a concretar los sujetos que ocuparán cargos políticos de toma de decisión.

The Polish Ombudsman and the Transition to Democracy

1996 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 684-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Elcock
Keyword(s):  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Short Article ◽  
Rights Protection ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Constitutional Tribunal ◽  
The University ◽  
Administrative Adjudication

A great deal has happened since the first Polish Commissioner for Citizens' Rights Protection discussed the role of her office in this journal in January 1990.1 At that time, the communist regime had given place to Eastern Europe's first non-communist government, led by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, after the elections of June 1989. Following the Polish United Workers' Party's defeat then, communism collapsed throughout Eastern Europe. Poland itself has since moved somewhat shakily towards a pluralist democratic regime, with a directly elected president and two chambers of Parliament in which multi-party systems now operate. However, despite some suggestions that the institutions created during the communist period should be swept away after communism fell, several of them have made the transition to the new liberal-democratic State. These institutions include three that were created by the Jaruszelski regime during the 1980s in order to try to win back its fading popular legitimacy: the Supreme Administrative Court (SAC), the Constitutional Tribunal (CT) and the Commissioner for Citizens' Rights Protection (CCRP), or Ombudsman. Since the fall of communism, the need for administrative adjudication has both changed and become greater, especially because there has not yet been any agreement on a new Polish constitution. The number of complaints sent to the CCRP's office rose from 22,764 in 1990 to 29,273 in 1993. This short article gives an account of the principal developments in the Commissioner's role since 1990. Professor Letowska was replaced in the office in 1991 by Professor Tadeusz Zielinski, from the University of Krakow, and the change in incumbent has produced significant changes in practice as well as continuity.

Contradictions of Democracy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Rush Smith
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Latin America ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Gang Violence ◽  
Legal Institutions ◽  
Archival Research ◽  
Emerging Democracies ◽  
Democratic State

Despite being one of the world’s most vibrant democracies, vigilantism is regularly practiced in South Africa. In any given year, police estimate between 5 percent and 10 percent of the country’s murders result from vigilante violence—four to five times the percentage from gang violence. Vigilantism is also frequent in other democracies across Latin America, Asia, and Africa. High rates of vigilantism are particularly puzzling in South Africa, though, given that it underwent a celebrated transition to democracy, has a lauded constitution, and enacted massive reforms of the state’s legal institutions following democratization. Contradictions of Democracy asks why vigilantism is prevalent in South Africa, asks what South Africa reveals about vigilantism in other emerging democracies, and uses vigilantism to explore contradictions of democratic state formation generally. Where most scholars explain vigilantism as the result of state or civic failure, the book argues the opposite. Based on nearly twenty months of ethnographic and archival research, it shows vigilantism is a response to processes of democratic state formation—specifically the extension of rights—and thrives in dense civic networks.

Conflict Transformation and Prevention in Tunisia

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Molly M. Melin
Keyword(s):  
Arab Spring ◽  
Labor Union ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Conflict Transformation ◽  
Security Sector ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Self Immolation ◽  
The Arab Spring

Tunisia is the only country to emerge from the Arab Spring with a functioning democratic government. This chapter argues that a powerful private sector prevented violence from erupting during the Jasmine Revolution and has helped keep stability since. Activists in the main labor union, UGTT, played a leading role in spreading information and participating in the early responses to the Bouazizi self-immolation. Businesses and their organizations have played an important role in Tunisia’s continuing transition to democracy. Tunisia’s transition to a democratic state with strong institutions and capacity is far from over, however. While Tunisia has been celebrated as the success story of the Arab Spring, but the state remains very weak and requires fundamental reforms, especially in the security sector. This chapter looks at the role of corporations in Tunisia’s democratic transition and their importance as the country moves forward.

Getting Out The Vote: Women'S Democratic Political Mobilization In Ghana

2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Kathleen Fallon
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Women’S Organizations

Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as a means to mobilize women, that they have attempted to mobilize women to participate in elections, and that their mobilization efforts influenced the political behavior of women. Implications of these findings for our understanding of women's mobilization in sub-Saharan Africa in comparison to those in Latin America are discussed.

The Crisis or consolidation of populism in Mexico?

2021 ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Alberto Javier Olvera
Keyword(s):  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Legal Institutions ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Media

The overwhelming triumph of Andrés Manuel López Obrador in the elections of 2018 was the outcome of the legitimacy and representation`s crisis in which the transition to democracy regime had been involved. That regime had promoted a neoliberal project. Finally, it failed to build a democratic State in Mexico. López Obrador deems that only the concentration of power in the presidency and the restoration of the economic and political hegemony of the State can solve the crisis. The author explains that in order to do that, López Obrador has decided to ignore most of the laws and legal institutions, to polarize the country by means of an openly populist discourse and to attack the judicial power and the media. However, his project, according to the author, is unviable both economically and politically, a situation that increases the risks of an authoritarian turn in the Mexican political regime.

Jahrbuch des Föderalismus 2019

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Country ◽  
Fossil Fuels ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Committee ◽  
Chief Minister ◽  
National Border ◽  
Principal Subject ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Committee Of The Regions

As with its previous editions, the 20th edition of this yearbook has been conceived as a wide-ranging compendium that provides its readers with an up-to-date overview of different aspects of federal and regional structures and politics. The 30 contributions it contains can be grouped according to the following main topics: Nine contributions (including one by the chief minister of Baden-Württemburg, Winfried Kretschmann) address the book’s principal subject: 70 years of federalism in Germany. Four of them deal with current areas of research into federalism (including federal reform in Switzerland). Four of them examine issues related to German federalism (including the phasing out of fossil fuels and the promotion of digitalisation in schools). There are eight reports on European countries (including Italy, Austria and the UK). There is one report on a non-European country (Pakistan). Two of the contributions examine regional and municipal cooperation in Europe (including cooperation between communities on different sides of a national border). Two of them address the European Union/European integration (including the European Committee of the Regions). With contributions by Winfried Kretschmann, Rudolf Hrbek, Ursula Münch, Arthur Benz, Albert Funk, Wolfgang Renzsch, Klaus Detterbeck, Thomas Petersen, Martin Große Hüttmann, Patrick Finke, Markus M. Müller, Antonios Souris, Roland Sturm, Gabriele Abels, Tobias Arnold, Alexander Arens, Sean Mueller, Adrian Vatter, Sabine Riedel, Tobias Haas, Konrad Gürtler, Henrik Scheller, Hendrik Träger, Peter Becker, Patricia Popelier, Jens Woelk, Andreas Stöckli, Jannis Kompsopoulos, Carolin Zwilling, Elisabeth Alber, Peter Bußjäger, Christoph Schramek, Daniel Lemmer, Simon Meisch, Saeed Ahmed Rid, Michael Gerner, Greta Klotz, Otto Schmuck, Horst Förster

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