Conflict Transformation and Prevention in Tunisia

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-152
Author(s):  
Molly M. Melin

Tunisia is the only country to emerge from the Arab Spring with a functioning democratic government. This chapter argues that a powerful private sector prevented violence from erupting during the Jasmine Revolution and has helped keep stability since. Activists in the main labor union, UGTT, played a leading role in spreading information and participating in the early responses to the Bouazizi self-immolation. Businesses and their organizations have played an important role in Tunisia’s continuing transition to democracy. Tunisia’s transition to a democratic state with strong institutions and capacity is far from over, however. While Tunisia has been celebrated as the success story of the Arab Spring, but the state remains very weak and requires fundamental reforms, especially in the security sector. This chapter looks at the role of corporations in Tunisia’s democratic transition and their importance as the country moves forward.

Politik ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maja Touzari Janesdatter Greenwood ◽  
Ole Wæver

Though Securitization theory has been applied to cases worldwide, it has been criticized for limited applica- bility to the non-western world. When, in 2010, Centre for Advanced Security eory began a collaboration with Danish Egyptian Dialogue Institute and Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo, Securitization theory was challenged on two levels: e theory was to both analyse and act politically in a Middle Eastern context, and then during the Arab Spring, the role of the entire Egyptian security sector was reevaluated. ese unique circumstances prompted re ections on the use of non-traditional and traditional security concepts, how the Egyptian revolution could be understood through Securitization eory, as well as what the experiences of this project will mean for further theory development. is article discusses these points in light of the Danish delegation’s experiences. 


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Fait Muedini

This paper examines the role of Sufi individuals and groups in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa during and following the Arab Spring. While some have suggested that Sufis are distant from politics, this paper looks at events in Syria and Egypt, and how Sufis have been active in playing a political role in terms of calls for the dismissal of authoritarian leaders, as well as in the post-regime politics of the states. In the case of Syria, Muhammad al-Yaqoubi has taken a key role in advocating the removal of authoritarian regimes in the name of a democratic state. Similar calls have taken place in Egypt; in this case, Sufi groups have begun to form political parties for representation out of concern for the increase in political influence by the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as Salafi Muslim organizations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Fait Muedini

This paper examines the role of Sufi individuals and groups in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa during and following the Arab Spring. While some have suggested that Sufis are distant from politics, this paper looks at events in Syria and Egypt, and how Sufis have been active in playing a political role in terms of calls for the dismissal of authoritarian leaders, as well as in the post-regime politics of the states. In the case of Syria, Muhammad al-Yaqoubi has taken a key role in advocating the removal of authoritarian regimes in the name of a democratic state. Similar calls have taken place in Egypt; in this case, Sufi groups have begun to form political parties for representation out of concern for the increase in political influence by the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as Salafi Muslim organizations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Ufuophu-Biri ◽  
Lucky Ojoboh

Abstract The popular revolutions that swept across North Africa and the Middle East (NAME) countries, popularly called the “Arab Spring”, removed several sit-tight regimes and threatened to remove some others. Until those revolutions, nobody in the region had the audacity to question the actions of the governments. The mass media in the region had no freedom of operation and could not be used to express opinions or ideas that contradicted government wish or stand. However, the self-immolation of Tarek al-Tayeb Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December, 2010 in Tunisia and his subsequent death led to an unstoppable torrent of protests across the region. The social media became the tool of communication, organization and coordination during the protests. The social media thus provided the protesters with an alternative voice of expression, which they used to mobilize and organize the protests. This study therefore, examined the role of the social media in the the Arab Spring. The study which is theoretical concludes that the use of the social media was very effective in success of the revolution.The study showed that without the social media, the revolution might not have been successful or might not have taken place at all. The study thus recommends that people should continue to use the social media to protest against oppressive regimes and all forms of oppression.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 236-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Rowe

This essay considers the role that Copts played in the Arab Spring revolution in Egypt and the way in which the political changes of the time affected Coptic interest representation in the Egyptian state. Copts, the indigenous Christians of Egypt, were eager participants in the protests that brought down former president Hosni Mubarak. However, their enthusiasm for a new era was dampened by the inability of lay Coptic movements to challenge the status quo in a way favorable to Coptic interests. Dissent against the management of security under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (scaf) led Copts toward cautious optimism when Muhammad Morsi was elected president in 2012. However, the transition to democracy in Egypt as laid out by the Islamist government ultimately squandered the goodwill of Egyptian Christians and contributed to their disillusionment with the democratic idea. The result has been the further polarization of Egyptian society in ways which have deepened cleavages between Christians and the Islamist movement and rendered more ambiguous the role of the church and lay movements in representing Coptic interests.


Author(s):  
L. Fituni

The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-111
Author(s):  
Hatice Rümeysa Dursun

Despite being shaken by the Arab Spring, authoritarian structures still exist in the regions of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Th is situation highlights the importance of studying the continuity of authoritarian structures more comprehensively. In addition to approaches that reduce authoritarianism to intra-state factors, literature has developed over the last decade emphasizing the importance of international factors. This literature in particular emphasizes the politics, economics, and diplomacy established by the West and that ties are effective in the continuity of authoritarianism in non-Western countries. This study attempts to explain Ben Ali’s period and the continuity of authoritarianism in Tunisia in the context of this developing new literature. Although Tunisia underwent a relatively positive transformation process after the Arab Spring, Ben Ali’s authoritarian rule was supported by the West as a model of an economic miracle and democratic stability; this administration managed to survive for 23 years. The study’s main argument can be expressed as follows: While the economic liberalization process imposed on Tunis by Western actors caused an increase in socio-economic inequalities, the instrumentalization of democracy by the West again served to suppress civil and political freedoms. Instead of focusing on the obstacles and opportunities in front of the transition to democracy in the post-Arab Spring period, examining theinternational factors influencing the continuity of authoritarianism in the Ben Ali period will shed light on how authoritarian structures still survive in MENA.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdullah K. Al-Kindi

The central aim of this paper is to critically analyze the role of the media during public protests that occurred in the GCC countries during 2011. These protests were part of what came to be called the “Arab Spring”, which started in late 2010. Particular focus will be on how the Arab Spring resulted in fundamental changes and how various institutions played roles in this. The study draws on Gulf region literature about the Arab Spring in order to offer a critical and informed overview on the topic under discussion. The paper’s main question is: what are the main roles played by the GCC media (old/new) during the public protests of 2011? The paper argues that the role of the media in the 2011 protests, while important, was rather limited and affected by the unique contextual characteristics of the media environment in the GCC countries. 


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