scholarly journals A World without a Project

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-61
Author(s):  
Juliano Fiori

In this interview, Celso Amorim, former Brazilian foreign minister, discusses changes in global governance and their likely impact on international cooperation. He critically reflects on his experiences in positioning Brazil on the world stage and democratising human rights. And he considers whether the influence of Brazil and other Southern states is likely to continue expanding.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (9) ◽  
pp. 73-79
Author(s):  
Zakhro Jurayeva ◽  

The article is devoted to the review and analysis of the initiatives of Uzbekistan, voiced at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly. The author notes that these initiatives will contribute to further strengthening the image of Uzbekistan in the world arena, as well as solving global problems. Initiatives put forward by Uzbekistan at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly are aimed at creating new platforms for discussing global problems, as well as opening new areas of cooperation in the region of Central and South Asia.Keywords:UN, international initiatives, international cooperation, environmental problems, World Environmental Charter, Convention on Biological Diversity, human rights education


Author(s):  
Geoffrey Edwards

This chapter examines the ways in which the European Union enters into international relations and engages with key processes in the world arena. It first provides a historical background on the interaction of an evolving EU with the rest of the world before discussing the main patterns of relationships and interactions in the areas in which Europe has been active. It then considers two centres of enduring tensions in the EU's external engagement: EU's engagement with processes of international cooperation and conflict, and with processes of global governance. It also looks at tensions that arise between the collective ‘European’ and national positions. They are between: Europeanization and national foreign policy; rhetoric and achievement; big and small member states; old and new Europe; and the concept of civilian power Europe and the EU as an international security actor with access to military forces.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-87
Author(s):  
Виктория Джуманазарова ◽  
Александр Реховский

The Article is devoted to the study of international standards and the activities of prosecutors, which were developed by the International Association of prosecutors in cooperation with the United Nations Office on drugs and crime in 2014. The basis of the adopted recommendations are high standards of ethics and professional conduct of prosecutors in the world. The supporting pillars of these standards are legality, justice, impartiality, respect for human rights and strengthening international cooperation in the name of fighting crime. The marked feature of the activities of the Prosecutor´s office on the basis of it has taken place in the system of state bodies. Highlighted the important points of the prosecution activities, such as the right of the Prosecutor to act according to discretion, including the decision to prosecute or withdraw from such, as well as interaction with members of society on an ongoing basis. The article presents a summary of the rules that may be used by prosecutors in various countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
M. M. Lebedeva ◽  
D. A. Kuznetsov

The SARS-CoV-2 virus, which caused a pandemic in 2020, has posed not only a medical, economic and social threat, but also a challenge to international security and international cooperation. It is now becoming obvious that the problem of the current pandemic cannot be reduced to individual states and regions and has the potential to influence the entire political organization of the modern world. Analyzing the role of the COVID-19 pandemic in world politics, the authors rely on the concept of transformations in the system of the world political organization, as well as the concept of global governance and megatrends of world politics, the key of which is globalization. The authors of the article consider the experience of individual global and regional associations, which are considered to be the elements of global governance, whose functions, among the other, include responding to challenges of a biogenic nature, identifying several important trends, among which are the intensification of previously emerging trends, the strengthening of isolationism, the growing political fragmentation of the world, destructive influence of “coronacrisis” on globalization, but with parallel sectoral polarization in global economy, a new balancing between cooperation and competition in international relations. At the same time, it is argued that there is no alternative to international cooperation in solving problems of a global nature, which can hardly indicate the end of globalization and the triumph of disintegration and de-democratization. The authors argue about the heightened need to reform global governance, since the efforts of individual international associations cannot lead to solving global challenges, and the national-centrist approach to solving global problems proves its inefficiency and irresponsibility. As a result, we are talking about the lack of alternative to the idea of forming a system of global governance, which should be based on cooperation and interaction of states, international organizations and institutions, as well as business structures and academic communities, in other words, rely on multilateral and multilevel approach. The authors are convinced of the need to develop a project of an “ideal future” taking into account the identified trends in the transformation of the political organization of the world and the effects of megatrends, which implies the further development of scientific research and discussions, as well as a series of international negotiating forums on the future structure of the world and the corresponding pattern of global governance.


Author(s):  
Pia Oberoi

Response to the ATR Debate Proposition: ‘It is important and necessary to make clear distinctions between (irregular) migrants, refugees and trafficked persons.’ The international community has recently taken steps to agree two intergovernmental compacts, which together are intended to revitalise the global governance of migration and asylum. The Global Compact on Refugees seeks to strengthen international cooperation on the refugee regime, while the Global Compact for Safe, Regular and Orderly Migration aims to establish principles, commitments and understandings among Member States regarding international migration in all its dimensions. The compacts have been brought into existence against a backdrop of widespread and increasingly systematic human rights violations committed against migrants by state officials, traffickers and other criminals, and leading to what has been called ‘one of the greatest human tragedies of our time’. At the same time, the very bifurcation of the compacts into two ‘separate, distinct and independent’ agreements rests on a set of assumptions that could distort rather than illuminate the complex issue of contemporary human mobility.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Bartley

Scholars and critics often lament that corporations rule the world, but predominant accounts of global governance imply almost the opposite: With theories populated by national governments and intergovernmental and nongovernmental organizations, it might appear that nearly everyone except corporations writes the rules that govern across borders. This article compiles research on the varied ways in which multinational and transnational corporations have shaped global governance, drawing attention to the contours and limits of corporate power. Corporations can be seen variously as sponsors, inhibitors, and direct providers of global governance. They have, for example, been sponsors of neoliberal trade rules, inhibitors of some labor and environmental regimes, and providers of private standards for finance, safety, sustainability, and human rights. Scholars may be tempted to focus on just one of these roles or to presume unified corporate dominance, but it is important to grapple with all three and to investigate the conditions under which corporate actions are more or less unified and decisive.


Author(s):  
Gina Heathcote

The chapter builds on the analysis of expertise and fragmentation that illuminates the risks for feminist engagements with global governance and law, to consider further strategies of reconstruction (and disruption) within the structures of the global order. In paying attention to international institutions, as non-state actors wielding legal power of sorts within global governance, this chapter takes dialogues from contemporary feminist approaches—the configuring of maternal subjectivity as interruption and feminist approaches to political economy—as initiating plural dialogues on international institutions from a feminist perspective. The chapter provides an analysis of the Human Rights Council, the World Health Organisation, and the Peacebuilding Commission, as well as an account of gender mainstreaming.


Author(s):  
Shi (Jessee) Zhang

This chapter introduces how the global economy could change through networking and puts forward a plan of an ecological platform for a global enterprise cloud market. The chapter introduces some theories and concepts about ecological platforms and how to design this ecological platform. Also, is a call for some entities in the world for creating this ecological platform. At last, this chapter puts forth some ideas about global network security through countermeasures for international cooperation in cyberspace global governance and the function of the United Nations to promote the implementation of global network security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-196
Author(s):  
Jianfu Chen

Abstract This article attempts to establish a context in which the controversies of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its practice can be better understood. It is argued that, earlier, the background to the birth of the BRI had effectively determined the initial perception of the initiative as a geopolitical move and that this perception has increasingly led to a view that the initiative is a Chinese geo-economic strategy. While there is no universally agreed meaning of the notion ‘geo-economics’, this notion, more often than not, conjures images of winners and losers in geopolitical manoeuvring. As such, China needs to convince the world that the BRI is indeed a ‘win-win’ scenario in international cooperation. To do so, China needs to engage much more closely with international law and talk less about China’s own model of global governance.


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