scholarly journals Kimio Noda, Basic Structute of Agricultural Problems between World War I and II: Historical Premise of Land Reform

1990 ◽  
Vol 26 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 189-190
Author(s):  
Noriaki Iwamoto
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
World War

scholarly journals The Aims and Discussions of the Foundation of Land Reform in Estonia After the WWI

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Marju Luts-Sootak ◽  
◽  
Karin Visnapuu
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
European Countries ◽  
World War ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Time Period ◽  
In The Beginning

The land reform was one of the most important tasks of independent Estonia after World War I. The groundwork started even before gaining its independence which shows the significance of this extensive reform. Similar reforms were carried out in other Eastern- and Middle-European countries after World War I, but the Estonian land reform was considered to be among the most radical ones at that time period. The decisions about the scope, intensity and the radicality of a reform would influence the later outcome, therefore it is important to understand the legislative discussions in the beginning and during the reform. In the article we will examine the legislative discussions of Estonian Constituent Assembly and Parliament about the expropriation of largescale estates in Estonia, the legal solutions and, consequently, the reasons why the question about compensation and redistribution of the expropriated land was left unregulated in the Land Reform Act.

The Movement for Reform in Rumania After World War I: The Parliamentary Bloc Government of 1919-1920

Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria F. Brown
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Modern World ◽  
World War ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The West ◽  
Happy Ending ◽  
The Past ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Before And After

In the labyrinthine world of Rumanian politics, it was easy enough to find striking examples of corruption in high places and low, year after year, both before and after World War I, and to dismiss the country's parliamentary form of M government as a sham or as an imitation of the West. But in 1919 many Rumanian had reason to expect the future to be brighter than the past. The approximate doubling of Rumanian territory and population and a happy ending, to the long-fought struggle for national unity seemed a most auspicious foundation for Rumania's new postwar life. Social justice and the exigencies of the modern world were being addressed by the advent of universal suffrage for men and the first stages of extensive land reform.

Jew and Peasant in Interwar Romania*

1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Fischer-Galati
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
World War ◽  
Root Cause ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Peasant Revolt

Common historical wisdom has it that the Peasant Revolt of 1907 and the elections of December 1937 reflected the profound anti-Semitism of the Romanian peasantry. And since the events of 1907 and 1937 have also been looked upon as decisive in determining the course of the history of the peasantry, if not of Romania as such, it seems only proper to assess the accuracy of these contentions.The revolt of 1907 was indeed a social movement directed against the exploitation of the impoverished Moldavian and Wallachian peasantry by Romanian landlords and Jewish “arendaşi” (Leaseholders). After 1907, and throughout the interwar years, Romanian historiography and political propaganda stressed the anti-Semitic character of the uprising in an effort to exonerate the absentee, and other, Romanian landowners and to emphasize the exploitative nature of Jews and Jewish capitalism. The Jewish question was organically connected with the peasant question in a variety of ways, all condemnatory of Jewish and Judaizing capitalism.As none of the major political parties of pro-World War I Romania—or, for that matter, few of interwar Romania as well—paid more than lip service to the economic and social plight of the peasants, it was convenient to regard the Jew as the root cause of all the evils affecting the peasantry. Before World War I, populists and, paradoxically, socialists enunciated political theories regarding “neoserfdom,” which, however different in origin, converged in demands for radical land reform. The reform came not because of such demands but because of the Bolshevik Revolution and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. Officially, it was unrelated to any political ideology, certainly separated from the Jewish question which, in theory, was resolved concurrently with the peasant question through the granting of citizenship and extension of political rights to the Jews of Romania. Following the countrywide agrarian reform in Greater Romania the peasant and the Jewish questions were in fact severed as Jews and Jewish capitalism had virtually no connections with the land.

scholarly journals Charakter polityki agrarnej rządów polskich we wschodnich oraz południowo-wschodnich województwach II Rzeczypospolitej

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Bohdan Hud ◽  
◽  
Oleg Muravskiy ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Rural Communities ◽  
World War I ◽  
Agricultural Policy ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Arable Land ◽  
Essential Element ◽  
World War ◽  
The Military

The author formulates and argues the thesis that the agricultural policy of the new Polish State in Ukrainian territories (Galicia, Polissya, and Volhynia) became an essential element of its ethnic policy. The roots of this policy dated back to before World War I. Polish politicians in Galicia introduced a regulation that big estates should be parceled out in ethnically mixed lands in a way that made the Polish small landowners, not the Ruthenians the primary beneficiaries. Over the course of time, it became a cornerstone of the agricultural policy of the Second Polish Republic. The principles of the land reform, dated back to the 1920s, were discriminating against Ukrainian peasants living in the south-eastern part of the II Polish Republic. First of all, because of the so-called raison d’état, which allowed for the further existence of large landed properties Even the legally defined upper limit – from 300 to 700 hectares – was oftentimes significantly exceeded. Discrimination of the local peasantry during the land division period was additionally intensified through the military settlement policy and civilian colonization of lands with the prevailing non-Polish population. It was generally considered that only Polish peasants could improve the situation in the Eastern borderlands. The growing number of settlers in closed rural communities caused a lack of arable land, and in consequence deepening civil conflicts, as well as favourable conditions for both nationalistic and communist propaganda. Thus, the nationalistic character of the Polish agricultural policy during the interwar period had a negative impact on Polish-Ukrainian relations both then and during World War II.

Through the prism of Spain. Socio-economic causes of different outcomes of Russian and Spanish civil wars

2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
World War ◽  
Common Features ◽  
Economic Well Being

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.

‘Grey Dawn’ in the British Pacific: Race, Security and Colonial Sovereignty on the Eve of World War I

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Tumblin
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Royal Navy ◽  
World War ◽  
Building Projects ◽  
Cooperative Security ◽  
Strategic Defense ◽  
Racial Discourses ◽  
The Way

This article examines the way a group of colonies on the far reaches of British power – Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and India, dealt with the imperatives of their own security in the early twentieth century. Each of these evolved into Dominion status and then to sovereign statehood (India lastly and most thoroughly) over the first half of the twentieth century, and their sovereignties evolved amidst a number of related and often countervailing problems of self-defence and cooperative security strategy within the British Empire. The article examines how security – the abstracted political goods of military force – worked alongside race in the greater Pacific to build colonial sovereignties before the First World War. Its first section examines the internal-domestic dimension of sovereignty and its need to secure territory through the issue of imperial naval subsidies. A number of colonies paid subsidies to Britain to support the Royal Navy and thus to contribute in financial terms to their strategic defense. These subsidies provoked increasing opposition after the turn of the twentieth century, and the article exlpores why colonial actors of various types thought financial subsidies threatened their sovereignties in important ways. The second section of the article examines the external-diplomatic dimension of sovereignty by looking at the way colonial actors responded to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. I argue that colonial actors deployed security as a logic that allowed them to pursue their own bids for sovereignty and autonomy, leverage racial discourses that shaped state-building projects, and ultimately to attempt to nudge the focus of the British Empire's grand strategy away from Europe and into Asia.

The Anarchist Press in Egypt before World War I

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Public Education ◽  
World War I ◽  
State Power ◽  
Local Context ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
World War

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.

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