scholarly journals The Aims and Discussions of the Foundation of Land Reform in Estonia After the WWI

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Marju Luts-Sootak ◽  
◽  
Karin Visnapuu

The land reform was one of the most important tasks of independent Estonia after World War I. The groundwork started even before gaining its independence which shows the significance of this extensive reform. Similar reforms were carried out in other Eastern- and Middle-European countries after World War I, but the Estonian land reform was considered to be among the most radical ones at that time period. The decisions about the scope, intensity and the radicality of a reform would influence the later outcome, therefore it is important to understand the legislative discussions in the beginning and during the reform. In the article we will examine the legislative discussions of Estonian Constituent Assembly and Parliament about the expropriation of largescale estates in Estonia, the legal solutions and, consequently, the reasons why the question about compensation and redistribution of the expropriated land was left unregulated in the Land Reform Act.

2015 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. E5
Author(s):  
Prateeka Koul ◽  
Christine Mau ◽  
Victor M. Sabourin ◽  
Chirag D. Gandhi ◽  
Charles J. Prestigiacomo

World War I advanced the development of aviation from the concept of flight to the use of aircraft on the battlefield. Fighter planes advanced technologically as the war progressed. Fighter pilot aces Francesco Baracca and Manfred von Richthofen (the Red Baron) were two of the most famous pilots of this time period. These courageous fighter aces skillfully maneuvered their SPAD and Albatros planes, respectively, while battling enemies and scoring aerial victories that contributed to the course of the war. The media thrilled the public with their depictions of the heroic feats of fighter pilots such as Baracca and the Red Baron. Despite their aerial prowess, both pilots would eventually be shot down in combat. Although the accounts of their deaths are debated, it is undeniable that both were victims of traumatic head injury.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Renshon

This chapter examines whether status concerns lead decision makers to value status more highly by looking at three separate sets of decisions: Russia's decision to aggressively back Serbia in the 1914 July Crisis, Britain's decision to collude with Israel and France in launching the 1956 Suez Crisis, and Gamal Abdel Nasser's 1962 decision to intervene in the Yemen Civil War (and continue to escalate through the rest of the decade). These cases broadly substantiate the patterns found in the Weltpolitik case—decision makers tend to value status more highly due to status concerns—while highlighting the plausibility of several new mechanisms. They also show that status concerns are not confined to European countries, great powers or states in the pre-World War I era. Finally, they reveal the other side of status concerns: state behavior designed to salvage or defend status rather than increase it.


1987 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 220-241
Author(s):  
Robert Justin Goldstein

Censorship of the stage, like censorship of the printed word, was widespread and well-established in Europe in 1815. However, while prior censorship of the press was eliminated throughout Europe by 1914, European countries almost universally retained prior censorship of the stage until (and sometimes well after) World War I. England became the first major European country to abolish censorship of the press in 1695, yet Parliament systematized a formerly haphazard theatre censorship in 1737, and did not end stage censorship until 1968. Most other European countries did not eliminate press censorship until about the middle of the nineteenth century, while maintaining theatre censorship throughout the century, and typically exercised much harsher controls over the stage than over the printed word. As John Allen has noted, ‘In many times and places the drama has been subject to far greater censorship than any other form of literature or art’, reflecting governmental feelings that ‘the theatre, with its power of affecting an audience with possibly subversive emotions and ideas, is more to be feared’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-120
Author(s):  
Mahmoud O. Haddad

This study compiles historical information to highlight the role played by both East and West European countries in the creation of Israel since before World War I. East European countries, especially Russia, Poland, and Romania, were as effective in this regard as the West Europeans. While racial policies were paramount in East Europe, including Germany, religious and strategic policies were as effective in the West, especially in Britain. Two points can be redrawn in this regard: That the question of Palestine was a Western question on both sides of the continent; it had nothing to do with the Eastern question that engulfed the Ottoman Empire before and during World War I. Additionally while World War II did not start the process of creating Israel, it accelerated it since the United States became an active supporter of the Zionist project. The second conclusion explains why all major powers give so much latitude to Israel, regardless of its constant neglect of international law to this very day.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 236-271
Author(s):  
Anne Fleming

Abstract:This article offers the first comprehensive history of the development of mandatory disclosure rules for the cost of consumer credit. In contrast to prior studies, which begin with the creation of federal disclosure rules in 1968, this story starts with state-level laws that were drafted before World War I. By looking back over a longer time period, it reveals the challenges involved in defining “truth” in lending, and how the perceived purpose of a regulatory technique like mandatory disclosure may change over time. Although the modern APR disclosure metric has come to seem natural and inevitable, history shows that lenders and policymakers once hotly debated the design of disclosure rules, with each faction claiming the mantle of “truth.” Moreover, policymakers did not always view disclosure as a means to increase price competition, obviating the need for direct price controls. Disclosure was once a complement to usury laws, rather than a substitute.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 296
Author(s):  
Mohammad Reza Pordeli ◽  
Malihe Abavysany ◽  
Maryam Mollashahi ◽  
Doost Ali Sanchooli

In the early twentieth century, for various political and economic reasons, the European countries were divided into the Allies and the Central Powers which led to the beginning of World War I. During those years, Iran was politically and economically too weak. Despite the fact that Iran declared neutrality in this war, it attracted the attention of world powers because of its vast oil resources and especial geographical location. In this way, Iran too was affected by the war. At the time Iran had lost its political independence due to certain colonial contracts (e.g., 1907, 1915). With the start of the war, a large group of foreign troops occupied Iran. This in fact was a heavy blow to the economics and agriculture of Iran, and together with the successive droughts, marked the most extreme famine of the century in Iran. Food shortage, high prices, disease contagions, and the pressure of the foreign forces to collect food supplies, increased the mortality rate so much so that almost half of the Iranian population died in dire conditions.


Slavic Review ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 456-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria F. Brown

In the labyrinthine world of Rumanian politics, it was easy enough to find striking examples of corruption in high places and low, year after year, both before and after World War I, and to dismiss the country's parliamentary form of M government as a sham or as an imitation of the West. But in 1919 many Rumanian had reason to expect the future to be brighter than the past. The approximate doubling of Rumanian territory and population and a happy ending, to the long-fought struggle for national unity seemed a most auspicious foundation for Rumania's new postwar life. Social justice and the exigencies of the modern world were being addressed by the advent of universal suffrage for men and the first stages of extensive land reform.


1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-73
Author(s):  
Basyl Dmytryshyn

It is an indisputable historical fact that between 1933 and 1945 groups and individuals in many countries of Europe, as well as in other parts of the world, sympathized (for different reasons and motives) with Nazi public pronouncements, especially those critical of the post-World War I settlement. It is also an indisputable historical fact that other groups and individuals in many European countries resisted (for different reasons and motives) Nazi domination, policies and practices. Unfortunately, current historical literature does not reflect clearly this dichotomy. Some nations, because of the activities of a few, are portrayed as Nazi collaborators, regardless of the human losses they suffered under Nazi rule; and, conversely, others are presented as anti-Nazi resisters, regardless of their actual contributions.


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