A Wide Concept of Economy

Author(s):  
Rahel Jaeggi

Prominent strands of contemporary critical theory treat the economic formation of capitalist societies as a black box. From this perspective it is not only impossible but also unnecessary to subject capitalism itself to critique. Instead, only its external relations to other social formations—such as democratic political institutions—become the subject of critique. In this chapter, Jaeggi develops a conception of capitalism as a form of life that allows us to open the black box. By bring into view the internal state and constitution of economic practices and institutions that shape our lives, this conception allows us to subject the economy itself to critique.

Author(s):  
Jack Knight ◽  
James Johnson

Pragmatism and its consequences are central issues in American politics today, yet scholars rarely examine in detail the relationship between pragmatism and politics. This book systematically explores the subject and makes a strong case for adopting a pragmatist approach to democratic politics—and for giving priority to democracy in the process of selecting and reforming political institutions. What is the primary value of democracy? When should we make decisions democratically and when should we rely on markets? And when should we accept the decisions of unelected officials, such as judges or bureaucrats? This book explores how a commitment to pragmatism should affect our answers to such important questions. It concludes that democracy is a good way of determining how these kinds of decisions should be made—even if what the democratic process determines is that not all decisions should be made democratically. So, for example, the democratically elected U.S. Congress may legitimately remove monetary policy from democratic decision-making by putting it under the control of the Federal Reserve. This book argues that pragmatism offers an original and compelling justification of democracy in terms of the unique contributions democratic institutions can make to processes of institutional choice. This focus highlights the important role that democracy plays, not in achieving consensus or commonality, but rather in addressing conflicts. Indeed, the book suggest that democratic politics is perhaps best seen less as a way of reaching consensus or agreement than as a way of structuring the terms of persistent disagreement.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 68-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laryssa Chomiak

In their search for explanations for the so-called Tunisian paradox under Ben Ali –a country with comparatively high levels of socio-economic development, yet plagued by the absence of a civil society that could push for political liberalization–analysts primarily investigated the gradual co-optation of political institutions and actors. As research and analytical agendas were consumed by the robustness of Ben Ali’s authoritarian state, little attention was paid to the development of informal and extra-institutional political activities that existed even under deepening political repression. In hindsight, many of these informal activities clearly contributed to the December 2010-January 2011 nation-wide campaign, which eventually led to the Arab World’s fi rst bottom-up revolution ousting an unpopular and illegitimate ruler. Th is article will engage two stories about the Tunisian Revolution that later inspired protests and contentious activities across the Middle East and North Africa. First, it will tell a back-story of contentious activities preceding the January 2011 events that surprised observers, scholars and analysts–even those familiar with the Tunisian case. Second, this article will discuss some of most pressing political dynamics that have emerged in the post-revolutionary (and pre-October 2011 election) environment. The concluding section will subsequently identify avenues for short and long-term research on the subject of contestation, resistance, and the construction of a new political order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-E) ◽  
pp. 327-335
Author(s):  
Hoshang Farhad Abdullah

The purpose of the article is to investigate the basic principles and directions of socio-cultural re-socialization of foreign students. The subject of the research is the institutional practices of re-socialization of foreign students in the conditions of a megalopolis (on the example of Moscow). The results of the work are that the author has studied the basic principles and directions of socio-cultural re-socialization of foreign students, they include 2 components, one of which provides the necessary conditioning of the internal state of a person for entering the host society, and the second-actually entering society through following certain trajectories in the social space. Thus, Russian megacities as places of subsequent social adaptation of foreign students are full of more opportunities for successful re-socialization of a criminal than small cities, but they are not without risks.


PMLA ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 124 (5) ◽  
pp. 1800-1805
Author(s):  
Diamela Eltit

Violence as a public and private practice is a constant. Furthermore, it belongs in the political axis since political institutions measure, plan, and distribute it, inscribing and administering it according to their productive and programmatic interests.Violence is adaptable and acquires different forms and formats, which range from the most concrete corporeal reality to the infliction of punishment on the symbolic and emotional registers of the subject. It is mobile but enduring, adjusting to the emergence of new social subjects. The enduring struggle against violence resituates and changes it, bringing about the penalization of practices considered abusive, such as long workdays, certain school regulations, or the beating of women.


Author(s):  
A. Guslyakova ◽  
N. Guslyakova ◽  
M. Vetkhova ◽  
V. Kirsanov

The article covers the problem of the relationship of teacher’s consciousness and the individualization of learning. Special attention is paid to the historical aspects of the problem of individualization of education and its various interpretations in the works of researchers. It is shown that today the situation of social uncertainty, which requires a person to constantly choose a social position, action, way of achieving their goals, stands behind the problem of educational individualization. The professional consciousness of the teacher is considered as a form of life of the subject, providing a solution to professional problems in the process of teaching. Taking into account the relationship between consciousness and the individualization of learning, the authors show how this problem is resolved when the reflection and goal-setting mechanisms are included in the paradigm of joint activities between a teacher and a student, ensuring the development of professional and pedagogical consciousness at the stage of higher education. Thus, educational and professional activities and mechanisms for the development of consciousness of subjects of activity, conditioning each other, find their place in the context of solving problems of implementing the individualization of learning of the subject (child).


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-116
Author(s):  
Margarita G. Kozlovskaya

The subject of the research is the criminal community, its characteristics, and features within the framework of criminology. The purpose of the research is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that a criminal community as a criminological phenomenon is nor equal to a criminal organization or an organized criminal group Methodology. The author uses general theoretical methods (comparative analysis, generalization, deduction) and specific methods (formal legal interpretation of legal acts, questionnaires). The main results, scope of application. A criminal organization and a criminal community are different criminological phenomena that differ from each other in significant ways. The differences are both in the degree of criminal organization, and the complexity of the structure of internal and external interaction. From the point of view of a systematic approach, a criminal community is not only a more complex system compared to a criminal organization. It is characterized by an improved structure of internal interaction, in which the hierarchical structure is either complicated, or replaced or supplemented by a network structure. The peculiarity is to complement the system approach with a synergistic one: in the criminal community, the pooling of criminal efforts is carried out more effectively, mainly in the sphere of external relations. The criminal community is a more open system compared to the criminal organization. Certain features can be identified in the contacts of criminal community members with the external environment. The most important feature is a symbiosis of criminal and legal practices that affects the life of entire regions or relatively large masses of the population. The criminal community is a purposeful system with its own specifics. And this specificity is seen in the fact that the criminal community pursues (secretly or openly, at the moment or in the foreseeable future) the achievement of political goals, namely: the possession of power, infiltration into power, undermining power, its capture and retention. It is power, not wealth, that is the real goal of the criminal community, and not just because it is easily converted into wealth. Power is valuable in itself, because it also gives a lot of other advantages. Conclusions. A criminal community cannot be reduced to a criminal organization, much less – to an organized criminal group, and this conclusion requires to be included into legislation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-10
Author(s):  
David Rasmussen

In my view, making the case for a specific interpretation of Critical Theory is problematic.1 Although the term has a prestigious origin stemming from Horkheimer?s 1937 paper, Traditional and Critical Theory,2 given during his term as Director of the Institute for Social Research at Frankfurt University and generating the enthusiasm of its members, the term and the movement associated would be defined and radically redefined not only by subsequent generations but by its very author. One of the merits of the book under discussion is that even before the first chapter an ?Interlude? is presented entitled Arguing for Classical Critical Theory signifying to the reader that Horkheimer got it right when he defined the subject and that it is possible to return to that particular definition after 83 years. This paper challenges Professor S?rensen?s claims for the restoration of classical Critical Theory on three levels: the scientific, the historical and the political level.


Author(s):  
Naomi Zack

The subject of critical race theory is implicitly black men, and the main idea is race. The subject of feminism is implicitly white women, and the main idea is gender. When the main idea is race, gender loses its importance and when the main idea is gender, race loses its importance. In both cases, women of color, especially black women, are left out. Needed is a new critical theory to address the oppression of nonwhite, especially black, women. Critical plunder theory would begin with the facts of uncompensated appropriation of the biological products of women of color, such as sexuality and children.


Author(s):  
Timothy C. Campbell

Roberto Rossellini’s Germany Year Zero is the subject of this chapter, in which the relation of the generous form of life to play is analysed in a milieu of ingratitude and mythic violence. The central figure of the film, the boy Edmund, is read as a limit case of the generous form of life in a context of massive envy. Here parricide and suicide become the only possibilities when gratitude has been reduced to year zero. The chapter includes a reading of Melanie Klein’s Gratitude and Envy and ends with a reflection on how the film turns gratitude inside out; in lieu of good and bad objects, there is law and guilt.


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