The Colonizer in the Computer: Stasis and International Control in PA Maps

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jess Bier
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Data Infrastructure ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Chapter 4, “The Colonizer in the Computer”, is an examination of how the colonial past and present can affect maps. The Palestinian Authority (PA), the provisional Palestinian government, was founded in the mid-1990s, and they were immediately charged with making their own maps. Their efforts roughly coincided with the second Intifada, or Palestinian uprising against the Israeli occupation. As such it was part of the broader political practice of sumud, or steadfastness, an effort to further the ongoing presence of Palestinians in the local landscape. Throughout their early years, however, the PA experienced constant challenges to its stability, including military raids on its offices and data infrastructure. These affected its ability to build stasis, which is here defined as the ability to ‘stay put’. Furthermore, the only existing maps they had to work with were from 60 year-old British colonial sources. These two factors, the Israeli raids and the British colonial maps, fundamentally shaped the state maps made by the PA. As a result, their maps were less useful for purposes of daily governance like elections, utilities, and infrastructure. PA cartography therefore illustrates the both the challenges and innovations of establishing material sovereignty over knowledge in colonial and postcolonial landscapes.

Where Have All the Women (and Men) Gone?

2001 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Penny Johnson ◽  
Eileen Kuttab
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
Gender And Age ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
Palestinian Population ◽  
Palestinian Nationalism ◽  
Interim Period ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The authors ground their reflections on gender and the complex realities of the second Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation in the political processes unleashed by the signing of the Israeli–Palestinian rule, noting that the profound inequalities between Israel and Palestine during the interim period produced inequalities among Palestinians. The apartheid logic of the Oslo period – made explicit in Israel's policies of separation, seige and confinement of the Palestinian population during the intifada and before it – is shown to shape the forms, sites and levels of resistance which are highly restricted by gender and age. In addition, the authors argue that the Palestinian Authority and leadership have solved the contradictions and crisis of Palestinian nationalism in this period through a form of rule that the authors term ‘authoritarian populism’, that tends to disallow democractic politics and participation. The seeming absence of women and civil society from the highly unequal and violent confrontations is contrasted with the first Palestinian intifada (1987–91), that occurred in a context of more than a decade of democratic activism and the growth of mass-based organizations, including the Palestinian women's movement. The authors explore three linked crises in gender roles emerging from the conditions of the second intifada: a crisis in masculinity, a crisis in paternity and a crisis in maternity.

KEGAGALAN PRIVATISASI BUMN DI ERA REZIM ORDE BARU DALAM PERSPEKTIF EKONOMI POLITIK

Wacana Publik ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Syamsul Ma'arif
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
New Order ◽  
Free Market Economy ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Role Of The State

After had being carried out nationalization and hostility against west countries, the New Order regime made important decision to change Indonesia economic direction from etatism system to free market economy. A set of policies were taken in order private sector could play major role in economic. However, when another economic sectors were reformed substantially, effords to reform the State Owned Enterprises had failed. The State Owned Enterprise, in fact, remained to play dominant role like early years of guided democracy era. Role of the State Owned Enterprises was more and more powerfull). The main problem of reforms finally lied on reality that vested interest of bureaucrats (civil or military) was so large that could’nt been overcome. 

Educational and economic dimensions in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 338-353
Author(s):  
Nadia Sa’d Al-Deen
Keyword(s):  
Political Leadership ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Youth Movement ◽  
Systematic Scheme ◽  
Current Events ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Emboldened by American partiality for the Israeli occupation and the feeble Arab-Islamic support for the Palestinian cause, Israel has been taking advantage, over the last five years, of the current events and changing conditions prevailing in the regional Arab system. The Israeli occupation authority employs the two contingent devices of education and the economy in occupied Jerusalem as a base for counter-action in its desperate effort to hit the collective political consciousness that demands terminating occupation, liberation and self-determination. The occupation authority in occupied Jerusalem has employed a systematic scheme to isolate the city from the rest of the West Bank territories. Their aim is to destroy its trade movement in order to tighten the loop of hegemony around the vital economic and social sectors, and to deprive the Palestinian Authority from returns of tourism. Life for the residents of the city has become complicated in every possible way, prompting them to abandon their city. All this would be a part of a ‘voluntary immigration’ policy as a prelude to Judaizing the city, evacuating its residents, replacing them with settlers and, ultimately, dropping the city off the partition claims. The measures adopted by the occupation authorities take advantage of the educational and economic dimensions and employ them as leverage for penetrating the articulating points of the resisting Jerusalemite society. This goal is being achieved by shaking the foundations of the educational system and by obstructing endeavours seeking to improve and propagate it. The occupation authority continued to perpetrate its scheme of ‘displacement/settlement’ when it recently expelled 100,000 Jerusalemites from their city. In light of the aforesaid, this research examines, as its main theme, the impact of putting the educational and economic dimensions to use in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem, on the fate of the city, and on the equation of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The paper also argues that it would be natural that a popular youth movement emerging in the face of Israel’s intransigence will nominate its own political leadership, dissociated from the political leadership of the Palestinian factions, so that insurrection can continue.

Some Important Factors Hindering the Civic Integration of Ethnic Minorities

2021 ◽  
Vol X (2) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Kakha Gabunia ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
General System ◽  
Language Barrier ◽  
The State ◽  
Minority Languages ◽  
Local Staff ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Economic

The purpose of this article is to compile and group the list of problems that hinder the integration of ethnic minorities in the political, economic and cultural life of the country, based on research conducted by various organizations over the past 10 yearს. According to these studies, the main problem is, on the one hand, the language barrier and, on the other hand, ethnic-nationalist tendencies and stereotypes. These national mythologies and notions play one of the crucial roles in the formation of national self-identification. Ethno-nationalist tendencies are strong both in minorities and in ethnic Georgians. There are several factors behind the emergence of the ethnonationalism in Georgia First of all, it is the legacy of Soviet totalitarianism, as well as the result of the current socio-political situation. Understanding these two factors will give us a better answer as to why ethnic-nationalist sentiments are still prevailing in Georgia and why the integration of the ethnic minorities is hindered, despite being repeatedly declared by the state. The language barrier of ethnic minorities is also an important problem in the process of integration into society. The education system should make the knowledge of the state language accessible to ethnic minorities and, at the same time, ensure the protection of minority languages. To do this, the state must maximize and encourage local staff; The general system of education should ensure the upbringing of the citizen of the country and not put any group (even the majority) in an advantageous situation. show the advantage of any (even the majority) group.

scholarly journals Biomedical Approaches to Literacy: Two Curriculum Teachers Challenge the Treatment of Dis/Ability in Contemporary Early Literacy Education

1944 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Heydon ◽  
Luigi Iannacci
Keyword(s):  
Public School ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Early Literacy ◽  
Literacy Education ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Curriculum Studies ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Early School ◽  
School Curricula

This paper is a critical examination of the state of Canadian literacy education and research and its effects on young children. Its purpose is to appraise the ways in which disability is currently being produced and practiced in early school curricula and to argue for a theoretically rich curricula which begins from children’s strengths. To accomplish these goals, this paper commences with a brief appraisal of curriculum studies’ lack of attention to issues of dis/ability, considers major movements in literacy curricula, then contends that an innovation in literacy curricula the authors term, “the biomedical approach”, is pathologizing entire school populations and inflicting upon them reductionistic literacy curricula. This paper illustrates the biomedical approach through a narrative of a public school and the experiences of its early years staff and students.

Unfulfilled Promise: Palestinian Family Reunification and the Right of Return

2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
Nabila El-Ahmed ◽  
Nadia Abu-Zahra
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Family Reunification ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Successor State ◽  
Palestinian Refugees ◽  
Right Of Return ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Right

This article argues that Israel substituted the Palestinian refugees' internationally recognized right of return with a family reunification program during its maneuvering over admission at the United Nations following the creation of the state in May 1948. Israel was granted UN membership in 1949 on the understanding that it would have to comply with legal international requirements to ensure the return of a substantial number of the 750,000 Palestinians dispossessed in the process of establishing the Zionist state, as well as citizenship there as a successor state. However, once the coveted UN membership had been obtained, and armistice agreements signed with neighboring countries, Israel parlayed this commitment into the much vaguer family reunification program, which it proceeded to apply with Kafkaesque absurdity over the next fifty years. As a result, Palestinians made refugees first in 1948, and later in 1967, continue to be deprived of their legally recognized right to return to their homes and their homeland, and the family reunification program remains the unfulfilled promise of the early years of Israeli statehood.

Building better people: policy aspirations and family life

2018 ◽  
pp. 45-66
Author(s):  
Brid Featherstone ◽  
Anna Gupta ◽  
Kate Morris ◽  
Sue White
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Family Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Traumatic Experiences ◽  
Evidence Based ◽  
Childhood Experiences ◽  
Developmental Potential ◽  
Small Children

This chapter discusses the residual, but strongly legitimised, role for the state in preventing damage to children, which carries high levels of criticism for those parents seen as failing to optimise their child's developmental potential. The idea that childhood experiences are important and can be formative clearly has a common-sense truth to it and obviously, traumatic experiences in childhood will have lasting impacts. However, a vocabulary has emerged in which notions of toxic parenting and the quest for optimum developmental flourishing create new mandates for the state to act. The chapter then argues that these are necessary to explain the sharp rises in national rates of child removal, particularly the permanent removal of very small children, documented over the last decade. They also contribute to service fragmentation by privileging intervention in the early years in the form of ‘evidence-based’ parenting programmes.

Partial Color Constancy of Isolated Surface Colors Examined by a Color-Naming Method

Perception ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keiji Uchikawa ◽  
Hiromi Uchikawa ◽  
Robert M Boynton
Keyword(s):  
Color Constancy ◽  
Color Naming ◽  
The State ◽  
Color Appearance ◽  
Chromatic Adaptation ◽  
Light Sources ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Spectral Distributions ◽  
Color Scales

Color samples selected from the OSA Uniform Color Scales set were viewed without any surround. Separate light sources were used to illuminate the samples and to control the state of adaptation of the subject, thereby separating two factors that are normally confounded. A color-naming procedure was used to assess shifts in color appearance produced by altering the spectral distributions of one or both light sources. The results confirm that chromatic adaptation, when it is the only factor operating, can mediate partial color constancy.

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