Becoming Religious Consumers

Author(s):  
Joyce D. Goodfriend

This chapter examines how ordinary men and women transposed the consumer mentality engendered in New York City's burgeoning marketplace to the religious sphere. New York's consumer revolution primed churchgoers to cross the threshold between cultural dependence and independence. Beginning in the 1740s and accelerating in subsequent decades, weekly newspapers featured advertisements intended to stimulate cravings for a variety of commercial products. As New Yorkers scanned pages filled with inventories of a widening array of commodities, their appetite for consumer goods increased. This chapter explores how the transformation of New Yorkers into religious consumers influenced the exercise of cultural authority in eighteenth-century New York City.

Author(s):  
Joyce D. Goodfriend

This chapter examines how lowly city dwellers confounded their purported benefactors, for example, by violating cardinal points of civility, indulging their appetites at taverns and brothels, or intruding into the exclusive spaces of the well-to-do. Many urban New Yorkers behaved in ways that were contrary to elite expectations and in so doing risked sanctions from those who controlled important resources. Poor people tended to transgress the rules set by gentlemen and engage in immoral behavior. In precarious circumstances, they perpetually did what was necessary to stay afloat, even if it meant flouting the Christian-based moral standards upheld by the elite. This chapter considers how people disdained as nonentities in eighteenth-century New York City, including blacks and prostitutes, contested the dominion of the city's gentlemen and thus diminished the elite's cultural authority.


Author(s):  
Edward Whitley

Poe regularly attended New York City literary salons during the 1840s with women writers referred to as “bluestockings” in an homage to the feminist intellectuals of the eighteenth-century Blue Stockings Society. Poe depended on the salons of bluestocking women to help him access the literary marketplace. Poe’s posthumous career during the 1850s and 1860s followed a similar pattern, as his reputation was linked to a coterie of New Yorkers who modeled themselves on the bohemians of Paris’s Latin Quarter. These bohemian writers, who included Walt Whitman, used Poe as a touchstone for their own work. The various groups of New York writers who claimed Poe during his life and after his death illustrate a central tension in coterie practice: namely, that membership in a literary community both models and informs the fickle nature of the marketplace.


Urban History ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-496
Author(s):  
JOYCE D. GOODFRIEND

Manhattan's landscape contains few material reminders of its colonial past. Traces of the Native Americans who frequented the island, the Dutch who planted New Amsterdam at its tip and the various European and African peoples who populated the city renamed New York by the English in 1664 are few and far between. Though the obliteration of the tangible remains of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century city dwellers speeded the transformation of Manhattan into a vibrant twentieth-century metropolis, the dearth of visible signs of this era has complicated historians' efforts to fabricate enduring images of the men and women of this early urban society. Their stories, though dutifully rehearsed by schoolbook writers and museum curators, have rarely become etched in memory.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009614422199964
Author(s):  
Glenn Dyer

Historians have conducted important research on the rise of law-and-order politics in New York City, where anxieties over women’s freedoms, political battles over police oversight, and crime impacts in poor communities contributed to its rise. The numerous walkouts, negotiations, and worker-management conflicts around high-crime areas in New York City suggest that the question of law and order was a salient workplace issue as well for the members of Communication Workers of America Local 1101. In their case, such concerns predate the rhetorical rise of law and order and help us better understand why such politics found fertile ground among working-class New Yorkers, white and black. Repeated incidences, largely in the city’s black ghettoes, prompted workers with a strong class consciousness and commitment to solidarity to transform the problems and experiences of individual workers into a shared question to be addressed via collective action.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 237802311982891 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kalisha Dessources Figures ◽  
Joscha Legewie

This figure depicts the disparities in average police stops in New York City from 2004 to 2012, disaggregated by race, gender, and age. Composed of six bar charts, each graph in the figure provides data for a particular population at the intersection of race and gender, focusing on black, white, and Hispanic men and women. Each graph also has a comparative backdrop of the data on police stops for black males. All graphs take a similar parabolic shape, showing that across each race-gender group, pedestrian stops increase in adolescence and peek in young adulthood, then taper off across the adult life course. However, the heights of these parabolic representations are vastly different. There are clear disparities in police exposure based on race and gender, with black men and women being more likely than their peers to be policed and with black men being policed significantly more than their female counterparts.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Muñoz‐Laboy ◽  
Carmen Juana Yon Leau ◽  
Veena Sriram ◽  
Hannah Jean Weinstein ◽  
Ernesto Vasquez del Aquila ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 915-931 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Eisenberg

In the 1980s, visible homelessness became one of the most pressing problems in New York City. While most New Yorkers expressed sympathy for the homeless, many of them also resisted efforts to site shelters and service facilities in their neighborhoods. But far from being simply a case of NIMBY (not-in-my-back-yard) sentiment, protests over the placement of these facilities arose in the context of decades-long neighborhood movements against urban disinvestment and the beginning of gentrification in some New York City neighborhoods. I argue that understanding this history is crucial to parsing the complex politics of anti-homeless facility protests in the 1980s and to understanding the rise of “quality of life” policies that would govern many neoliberal urban spaces by the 1990s.


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