The Foundation

Conflicting Interests ◽

The One ◽

The Persian Gulf ◽

Iranian Students ◽

The U.S

This chapter analyses the efforts by the U.S. government and non-governmental organizations to establish educational programs and networks for Iranian students. It demonstrates how, on the one hand, Iranians who studied and received training in the United States were enmeshed in a transnational web of conflicting interests, torn between their concerns about Iran’s vanishing democracy and the economic development of their country. On the other hand, American proponents of international education were caught between an intensifying Iranian nationalism and Washington’s security interests in the Persian Gulf region.

The Boom

Losing Hearts and Minds ◽

10.7591/cornell/9781501713132.003.0005 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Matthew K. Shannon

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Technical Assistance ◽

Military Training ◽

Cultural Exchange ◽

The United States ◽

Exchange Programs ◽

The U.S

This chapter traces the ways in which the United States launched its most coordinated effort to promote Iranian development during the 1970s. The educational cooperation of the decade prioritized military training, particularly for members of the Imperial Iranian Navy; technical assistance, notably through the training of Iranian nuclear engineers; and cultural exchange programs that were administered by the U.S. and Iranian states as well as non-governmental organizations.

The New Battlefield: The Hidden History of U.S Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan

Asian Social Science ◽

10.5539/ass.v12n8p18 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 12 (8) ◽

pp. 18

Author(s):

Imran Ali ◽

Xiaochuan Dong

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

Soviet Union ◽

Ronald Reagan ◽

The United States ◽

Major Influence ◽

United States Foreign Policy ◽

Gulf Region ◽

History Of ◽

The Persian Gulf ◽

The U.S

<p class="a"><span lang="EN-US">The United States foreign policy has been characterized as a long and zigzag history since the beginning of America in the late eighteenth century. This vital study is a part of this long history. During 1979 Soviets invaded Afghanistan and a Soviet-Afghan War was born, American’s major influence was to be towards this region and reforms in their foreign policy to expel the Soviets from Afghanistan. It took place between 1979 and 1989 about a decade. This study seeks to answer the following questions: “Which were the U.S key foreign policy in the context of Afghan-Soviet War during 1979 and 1989 under Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan Presidencies and how these Administrations provoked hard decisions against Soviet Union and established their own doctrines?” “How the U.S got the Afghan Mujahedeen’s confidence and funneled the billions of dollars and global dangerous weapons to them chest through Pakistani ISI to punish the Soviets in Afghanistan?” “How the U.S hidden actor’s played the key role in this war?” Results based on U.S recently declassified material regarding this war from 1979-89 and found that soon after the Soviets intervention of Afghanistan, U.S begun hidden supply to Afghan Mujahedeen chest through Pakistani ISI and both the U.S Presidents, Carter and Reagan, took hard decisions including established their doctrines to protect the Persian Gulf Region and its interests. In this game, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Charlie Wilson, William Casey, Howard Hart and Stansfield M Turner played the hidden role and finally expelled out the Soviets from Afghanistan.</span></p>

Democratization, Nationalism and Regional Security in the Southern Caucasus

Government and Opposition ◽

10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00777.x ◽

1997 ◽

Vol 32 (3) ◽

pp. 399-420 ◽

Cited By ~ 10

Author(s):

S. Neil MacFarlane

Keyword(s):

International Development ◽

The United States ◽

Regional Security ◽

Political Rights ◽

The European Union ◽

Pressure Groups ◽

Democratic Reform ◽

Independent States

FOR SOME YEARS NOW, WESTERN ACADEMICS AND POLICY-MAKERS HAVE embraced the cause of democratic reform in Central and Eastern Europe. To take but one well-known example, President Clinton in the 1994 State of the Union Address cited the absence of war among democracies as a reason for promotion of democracy around the world. Assistance to former Warsaw Pact and newly independent states has been made conditional to varying degrees on the acceptance of democratic change. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development and associated non-governmental organizations have unleashed armies of promoters of democracy throughout the region to: observe elections; monitor human rights; draft new constitutions and laws defending civil and political rights; train judges and police personnel; and organize and assist political parties, media and non-governmental pressure groups. In short, they have sought to transplant the fabric of civil society and democratic institutions. These armies have landed on terrain often quite foreign to them and have often displayed little sensitivity to the social, economic and political context in which they are operating. This may have contributed to results other than those intended.

A Scoping Review of Human Trafficking Screening and Response

Trauma Violence & Abuse ◽

10.1177/15248380211057273 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 152483802110572

Author(s):

Rebecca J. Macy ◽

L. B. Klein ◽

Corey A. Shuck ◽

Cynthia Fraga Rizo ◽

Tonya B. Van Deinse ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Human Trafficking ◽

Scoping Review ◽

Service Providers ◽

Work Conditions ◽

Screening Tools ◽

Specific Response ◽

Scoping Reviews ◽

The U.S

Service providers are increasingly asked to identify individuals who are experiencing trafficking and to connect them with resources and support. Nonetheless, identification is complicated by the reality that those who are experiencing trafficking may rarely self-identify, and providers may fail to identify individuals who are experiencing trafficking due to lack of guidance on how to screen for trafficking capably and sensitively. With the aim of guiding practice, we undertook a scoping review to search for and synthesize trafficking screening tools and response protocols. Following the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR), we located 22 screening tools contained in 26 sources. We included any documents that described or tested human trafficking screening tools, screening or identification protocols, response protocols, or guidelines that were published in any year. All documents were abstracted using a standardized form. Key findings showed that most tools were developed by practice-based and non-governmental organizations located in the U.S. and were administered in the U.S. Few screening tools have been rigorously evaluated. The common types of screening questions and prompts included (a) work conditions; (b) living conditions; (c) physical health; (d) travel, immigration, and movement; (e) appearance and presentation; (f) mental health, trauma, and substance abuse; (g) associations and possessions; and (h) arrests and prior involvement with law enforcement. We were not able to locate specific response protocols that provided step-by-step guidance. Nonetheless, the review revealed available practice-based and research-based evidence to help inform guidance concerning how screening and identification of human trafficking may be administered.

Silencing Their Critics: How Government Restrictions Against Civil Society Affect International ‘Naming and Shaming’

British Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0007123419000693 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 1-22 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Hannah Smidt ◽

Dominic Perera ◽

Neil J. Mitchell ◽

Kristin M. Bakke

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Civil Society ◽

Civil Society Organizations ◽

The Other ◽

The One ◽

Naming And Shaming ◽

Flow Of Information ◽

Cross National

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.

Opportunities for the application of linear programming in forest management planning

Glasnik Sumarskog fakulteta ◽

10.2298/gsf1307171p ◽

2013 ◽

pp. 175-191

Author(s):

Damjan Pantic ◽

Bojan Tubic ◽

Marko Marinkovic ◽

Dragan Borota ◽

Snezana Obradovic

Keyword(s):

Linear Programming ◽

Maximum Yield ◽

Half Period ◽

Management Planning ◽

Forest Management Planning ◽

Conflicting Interests ◽

Poplar Plantations ◽

The One ◽

Forest Practice ◽

The U.S

In situations where it is necessary to consider a variety of options when making decisions in forestry (and in general), with the choice influenced by hardly comparable criteria and a number of conflicting interests, a possible solution is to use multiple criteria methods. One of these methods, which can be applied in forestry, is mathematical programming (in particular, linear programming). Linear programming has a long tradition of being used in the U.S. and European forestry, whereas in the forestry of Serbia it still represents a theoretically and practically unknown tool. Therefore, in this paper we analyze the possibility of applying the methods of linear programming in developing a plan of regeneration cutting in the poplar plantations of FMU "Topolik" managed by PE "Vojvodinasume." Using the aimed function (linear programming) and the corresponding software package the maximum yield that can be achieved by cutting the plantation was obtained. The planned management period was from 2012 to 2021 and its volume was 155 852 m3. The preset condition that the yield in half-periods remains equal was fulfilled (half-period I 77,925 m3, half-period II 77,927 m3). The maximum yield obtained with this methodology was by 4,040 m3 lower than the theoretically possible yield that would be obtained if all stands were cut down at the end of the second half-period, i.e. higher by 8,430 m3 than the yield that would be obtained if cutting of the stands were performed at the start of the management period. The results obtained and foreign experience in this area clearly indicate that linear programming can successfully be used to solve this problem and even more complex problems (than the one presented in this paper) in our local forest practice (multidimensional planning with a series of constraints).

Non-State Actors and the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention in Asia: Achievements, Problems, and Prospects

Asian Journal of International Law ◽

10.1017/s2044251318000012 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 8 (2) ◽

pp. 461-489 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Alessandro CHECHI

Keyword(s):

World Heritage ◽

Private Companies ◽

Public And Private ◽

World Heritage Convention ◽

Private Interests ◽

Outstanding Universal Value ◽

State Actors ◽

The One

AbstractThe philosophy underlying the UNESCO World Heritage Convention of 1972 [WHC] consists in promoting a system of international co-operation in the context of which the States Parties commit to preserving the cultural treasures of “outstanding universal value” located within their territories. However, it is a fact that today many properties inscribed on the List set under the WHC are endangered. This paper will focus on the role played by “non-state actors” in the enforcement of the WHC. It will thus dwell upon the relationships between public and private interests, on the one hand, and between international and domestic legal orders, on the other. Its purpose is to map out and discuss the most salient problems about the involvement of non-state actors—particularly non-governmental organizations [NGOs] and private companies—in the monitoring and implementation of the WHC.

Academic Analysis and U.S. Policy-Making on Africa: Reflections and Conclusions

Issue A Journal of Opinion ◽

10.1017/s0047160700501309 ◽

1991 ◽

Vol 19 (2) ◽

pp. 38-48

Author(s):

David S. Wiley

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

Policy Making ◽

The United States ◽

Think Tanks ◽

Scholarly Community ◽

Private Foundations ◽

The Voice

Late in the 1980s, several major U.S. private foundations concluded that the concern for Africa in the country was weak. This weakness was reflected in the faint focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in all three branches of government, in the halting voice for Africa or for U.S. interests there in the non-governmental organizations (think-tanks, religious organizations, lobbies), and in the small concern for U.S. policy or for affecting it in the African studies scholarly community. Indeed, the voice for Africa in the United States was neither strong nor effective.

Is There a LatAm-US-China Economic Triangle?

China, The United States, and the Future of Latin America ◽

10.18574/nyu/9781479899289.003.0002 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Osvaldo Rosales

Keyword(s):

Latin America ◽

The United States ◽

Asia Pacific ◽

Bilateral Approach ◽

Growth Prospects ◽

Economic Relationship ◽

Near Term ◽

The One ◽

Investment In China ◽

The U.S

Latin America experienced economic ups and downs in the past decade, and faces a gloomy outlook for 2015–2020. This chapter first delineates the near-term growth prospects for the region, examining the subregional patterns closely with three national cases—Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela—and analyzing the external constraints for the region’s economic growth. It then examines the major challenges ahead for the region with analysis of Latin America’s economic relationship with the United States and China, respectively. On the one hand, while the U.S.’s current bilateral approach leaves the economic relationship with the region fragmented, the economic and trade cooperation between the U.S. and Latin America can be strengthened through fostering productive integration and the development of regional value chains oriented toward the U.S. market. On the other hand, China’s growing presence in the region poses challenges to Latin America countries, namely achieving export diversification, diversification of Chinese investments in the region, and Latin investment in China and Asia-Pacific.

Powerful Allies and Weak Consensus: Towards a Deeper Understanding of how Health-Harming Industries Seek to Influence Global Health Governance; Comment on "Competing Frames in Global Health Governance: An Analysis of Stakeholder Influence on the Political Declaration on Non-Communicable Diseases"

International Journal of Health Policy and Management ◽

10.34172/ijhpm.2021.136 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Marco Zenone ◽

Benjamin Hawkins

Keyword(s):

Global Health ◽

Communicable Diseases ◽

Global Health Governance ◽

Commercial Sector ◽

Health Governance ◽

Middle Income ◽

Non Communicable Diseases ◽

The One

Suzuki et al. have identified commonalities in the policy positions adopted at a global forum by commercial sector actors and high-income countries, on the one hand, and non-governmental organizations and low- and middle-income countries, on the other, in ways that may allow commercial sector actors to block or delay evidence-based policies through the creation of political controversy. The ability of industry actors to draw on the support of the most politically and economically powerful countries for their favoured policy agenda is an important contribution to understanding the dynamics of global health governance in the area of non-communicable diseases and beyond. Here we assess the relevance of this paper for the field of corporate actors’ research and the potential avenues this opens up for further study. More specifically we emphasize the need for comparative, cross disciplinary research to examine the power of heath-harming industries and the relevance of these findings for decolonizing global health.