The Lure of Bureaucracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 32-56
Author(s):  
Nurfadzilah Yahaya

This chapter evaluates how the Arab elite in Southeast Asia played an outsized role in the development of Islamic law in the British Straits Settlements (Penang, Malacca, and Singapore) and, to a smaller extent, the Netherlands Indies. It presents how the Arabs of the Straits Settlements had already allowed the British government to regulate their intimate lives through the administration of Islamic law, four decades before the First World War. The chapter also explains the clustering around state institutions and reliance on state bureaucracy, and how it went beyond a view toward future litigation and eventual accounting. It investigates how the clustering held government authorities responsible for enforcing terms in waqf deeds, maintaining waqfs, and disciplining errant trustees. Ultimately, this chapter demonstrates how members of the Arab elite successfully persuaded colonial leaders to take on the mantle of administration of Islamic law in 1880 because they wished for the presence of a strong state regulatory agency in the form of a strong judicial system.

2021 ◽  
pp. 166-190
Author(s):  
Keith Grint

If mutinies are significant threats to those military parties facing defeat during wars, they are still more dangerous to the victors after the war is ended, when those conscripted for the duration of the war are desperate to return home. This chapter covers three such mutinies: those affecting British forces in 1918 and 1919; those facing Canadian forces in 1919; and finally the mutiny that literally grounded the RAF in 1946 in India and the Far East. The first cases occur in the south of England and France as the First World War is ending, but Churchill in particular was keen to retain both naval and army units to continue the fight against the fledgling Bolshevik regime. What is intriguing about these is just how militant the mutineers were and how the British government treated them with kid gloves, unlike those in the British Foreign Labour units who we meet in chapter 6. For the Canadian army the problem starts in Russia but end up in Wales, as the troops kick their heels waiting to return home and frustrations boil over into gunfights near Rhyl in 1919. Finally, we consider the similar issues prevailing over the RAF in India and the Far East as it becomes clear to the subordinates that they are a long way from home and have little immediate prospect of going home—unless they mutiny.


2019 ◽  
pp. 111-139
Author(s):  
Charlie Laderman

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson’s pragmatic decision not to declare war on the Ottoman Empire after American entry into the First World War. It explains why this policy choice offers important insights into Wilson’s attitude toward the Allied powers, particularly the British Empire. It evaluates Wilson’s broader attitude to Britain and his attitude toward an Anglo-American alliance. The chapter emphasizes the clash between Wilson and Roosevelt over whether the United States should declare war on the Ottoman Empire, and what this reveals about their humanitarian visions and broader conceptions of international order. In doing so, it traces the emergence of Wilson’s own solution to the Armenian question as part of a reformed, American-led international system.


2007 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
AYESHA JALAL

This article probes the link between anti-colonial nationalist thought and a theory of jihad in early twentieth-century India. An emotive affinity to the ummah was never a barrier to Muslims identifying with patriotic sentiments in their own homelands. It was in the context of the aggressive expansion of European power and the ensuing erosion of Muslim sovereignty that the classical doctrine of jihad was refashioned to legitimize modern anti-colonial struggles. The focus of this essay is on the thought and politics of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. A major theoretician of Islamic law and ethics, Azad was the most prominent Muslim leader of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence India. He is best remembered in retrospectively constructed statist narratives as a “secular nationalist”, who served as education minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's post-independence cabinet. Yet during the decade of the First World War he was perhaps the most celebrated theorist of a trans-national jihad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-74
Author(s):  
Clemens Six

Abstract This essay discusses in how far we can understand the evolution of secularism in South and Southeast Asia between the end of the First World War and decolonisation after 1945 as a result of transimperial and transnational patterns. In the context of the growing comparative literature on the history of secularisms around the globe, I argue for more attention for the mobility of ideas and people across borders. Conceptually, I suggest to capture the diversity of 20th century secularisms in terms of family resemblance and to understand this resemblance less as colonial inheritance but as the result of translocal networks and their circuits of ideas and practices since 1918. I approach these networks through a combination of global intellectual history, the history of transnational social networks, and the global history of non-state institutions. Empirically, I illustrate my argument with three case studies: the reception of Atatürk’s reforms across Asia and the Middle East to illustrate transnational discourses around secularism; the role of social networks in the form of translocal women’s circles in the interwar period; and private US foundations as global circuits of expertise. Together, these illustrations are an attempt to sustain a certain degree of coherence within globalising secularism studies while at the same time avoiding conceptual overstretch.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Kate Fleet

AbstractThis article examines the relations between the Ankara government and British financial circles in the period between the collapse of the Ottoman empire at the end of the First World War and the establishment of the new Turkish Republic in 1923. Highlighting the difficulties experienced by British business interests due to the political stance of the British government, it also calls into question the ability of such business circles to operate effectively within the new Turkey and demonstrates the new line adopted by the nationalists to British capital and to foreign financial control in the new Republic.


2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 235-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
JONATHAN R. BARTON

British business in Latin America struggled throughout the inter-war period, affected by the First World War, aggressive US trade strategies and a dated British commercial support structure that had turned its attentions to imperial markets. Chamber of Commerce archive material reveals the frustrations of the British business community in Chile as hard-won markets were lost to well-supported US firms and returning German competition, as a consequence of weak political, financial and marketing support. Against a backdrop of British commercial decline worldwide, the Chilean case echoes the experiences of businessmen across Latin America's non-imperial markets. As the British government dallied, US business established an unassailable position.


2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 781-783
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Derr

In 1915, soon after Egypt's entry into World War I, the British War Office sent a medical mission to Egypt to investigate the state of bilharzia infection in the country. Bilharzia, also known as schistosomiasis, ran rife among agricultural cultivators in Egypt during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The entry of British-occupied Egypt into the war, and its emergence as a battle theater, heightened fears within the British government that its soldiers would fall prey to the same ailments that plagued Egypt's population.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 277-296
Author(s):  
Jagoda Wierzejska

The article is the second part of a comprehensive study on representations of Hutsuls and the Hutsul region in the interwar Polish literature, which showed them during the First World War and the wars for the borders of the Second Polish Republic, as well as in the 1920s and 1930s. The article discuses, first and foremost, literary visions of Hutsuls and their native land in the third and fourth decade of the 20th century. The interwar Polish literature, which showed the Hutsul region “of today”, paid special attention to peacetime partnership of Poles and Hutsuls, which was to follow their wartime joint actions against Russians in the Eastern Carpathians in 1914–1915. It implied that this partnership was a result of a perfect match between the Polish national component and the Hutsul ethnic element. The article argues that Polish literature showed the compatibility of Poles and Hutsuls in the macro and micro dimensions. On the macro level, it was to be manifested, on the one hand, in the effective help of the Polish state institutions for Hutsuls, on the other hand, in the gratitude of Hutsuls for Poles. On the micro level, the Polish-Hutsul compatibility was to be manifested in friendly or intimate relations of representatives of both groups; relations which were invariably successful in spite of the fact that the Polish side dominated them and felt entitled to lead a civilization mission among Hutsuls. Such literary visions presented the Hutsul region as an integral part of the Second Polish Republic and its indigenous inhabitants as loyal citizens of the entire country. They also made it clear that Hutsuls affirmed Polishness and that Poles were welcomed and needed in the Hutsuls’s land. 


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