Problems encountered by the MNLF Combatants of Basilan and Zamboanga: Prior, During and After Integration

2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nerlyne C. Concepcion

This study examined the Integration Program of the Philippine Government for former MNLF members into the AFP, particularly in Basilan and Zamboanga. Its aim is to bring former fighters to the mainstream of society and to promote peace and order in Mindanao. The objectives are to determine how the GRP and the MNLF implement provisions of the JPA and examine the awareness of the recruits; and to find out problems encountered by the integrees before, during and after their integration to the AFP. Descriptive method was used through FGD, KI interviews, and passive observation. Questionnaire checklist was utilized for sociodemographic profile. The sixty five respondents answered that the greatest problems prior, during and after integration were the following: enforced integration, unfair distribution of quota, no clearcut qualifications and lack of proper dissemination of information; no assistance to education and fixed monthly salary; unclear instructions, bureaucratic system; complicated mental training, discrimination, abuse of authority by the trainers; not permitted to go home, and low quality firearms; fake MNLF fighters, bribery; no respect for religious beliefs and discrimination from the PA; delay of salary, unfair release of coupon and mess, no scholarship for EM and no implementation of livelihood programs. Majority of these problems are structural in nature with primary attitudinal problems and it is to understand that with these problems there is a great need to rediscover the values of cultural solidarity and to reemphasize the positive and relevant roles that each should take to achieve a lasting and relevant national commitment for peace. Keywords - Peace and Order, Moro National Liberation Front, Armed Forces of the Philippines , Government of the Republic of the Philippines, Descriptive Method, Basilan and Zamboanga, Philippines,

Dialog ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-118
Author(s):  
AHMAD SUAEDY

This article describes the relationship between political entities of the Bangsamoro or Muslims in Mindanao and of the Philippine government which may be said in a nadir since the cancellation of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) signing plans between MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) by the Supreme Court of the country in October 2008. Now their relationship is only bound by the temporary cease-fire. While the actual MILF is the only one course of representation of Muslims in Mindanao in addition to the MNLF (Mindanao National Liberation Front) and Kelompok Datu or traditional leaders. This research deduces that the plurality in the Bangsamoro itself becomes an obstacle in the peace talk process as the absence of a common platform among them. While GRP tends to speak with the faction of it separately, so it was impressed monolithic, there should be efforts to build a joint platform among different groups within the Bangsamoro. Furthermore, the GRP should facilitate the communication and the dialogue among factions within Bangsamoro. Besides, the GRP should convince people in Philippines of how important the peace with Bangsamoro is on behalf of a national interest in a whole. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 1733-1733
Author(s):  
Ana Kriselda Rivera

Abstract Objectives The objective of ths study is to identify and assess food and nutrition-related policies in the Philippines. It also aimed to identify gaps in the implementation of the identified policies. Methods To identify nutrition policies, two online public search engines were used – Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines and The LAWPHiL Project of the Arellano Law Foundation. Manual searching through the websites initially garnered 31 policies relating to food and nutrition. Excluded from the list are those which are primarily agriculture or industry in content. The remaining policies focused on nutrition promotion and enhancement of service delivery to improve nutrition outcomes. Results The Philippine government through its designate nutrition agencies have been responsive to the health needs of its people. Some policies have been lobbied for longer periods than others; while some which have already been enacted into national laws lacked updating. Common challenges to implementation are lack of monitoring and evaluation tools and resources, and lack of community awareness. Conclusions The general outcome of policy implementation is affected by political will on the local administrative level; thereby resulting to inconsistent action plans at the grassroots. Funding Sources N/A.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-101
Author(s):  
Daisy Luyun ◽  
Angelica Mamauag ◽  
Eladio Martin Gumabay ◽  
Darin Jan Tindowen

The current administration of the Republic of the Philippines is seen as an ardent advocate of federalism. This research study purports to explore the appreciation and understanding of the youth – specifically the Liberal Arts students in higher educational institutions who have the knowledge on the government forms, laws, and history of our system of government as regards a possible shift in the system of government. This study utilized descriptive qualitative design through Collaizi’s method of data analysis. Findings show that informants having perceived the possible shift on the system of government of the Philippines, have led to three clustered themes namely: (1) federalism defined, (2) benefits of federalism, and, (3) possible challenges during the transition period. Moreover, it is concluded that informants defined federalism as a system of government where powers are being decentralized to the local government and the latter being independent from the national / central government. Standardized local legislation, increased economic status, and responsive local government were identified as the benefits of federalism. Lack of proper knowledge, constitutional proceedings and amendments, and, costly and time-consuming were cited as the possible challenges during the transition period on the shift in our system of government. We suggest that, in order to actualize federalism, there is a need to enhance governance capabilities through transparency and accountability and a clearer definition of local autonomy should be observed.


ULUMUNA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-394
Author(s):  
Herdi Sahrasad ◽  
Adhe Nuansa Wibisono ◽  
Al Chaidar Al Chaidar

The main problem of Moro Muslims in Southern Philippines are now the right to self-determination but it also include poverty, underdevelopment, low education, unemployment, discrimination, and violent conflict. Upon the Spanish colonization for more than three centuries (1521-1898), the Moros were controlled by the United States for almost five decades (1898-1942). Japan colonised them for three years before they were integrated to the Republic of Philippines in 1946. Their struggle for independence still continues today represented by the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), establihsed in the late 1960s and led by Nur Misuari, and by the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) led by Salamat Hasyim in 1981. The birth of the MILF was a response to dissatisfaction with the MNLF that was considered less assertive in fighting for Bangsamoro's rights and too accommodative to the Philippine government. In early 1990s, Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) led by Abdulrajak Janjalani emerged to respond the situation. In later development, it rises to become a prominent group involved in a long-standing conflict and terror in this landmark of Southeast Asia region.


Author(s):  
Shamsuddin Taya ◽  
Rusdi Omar ◽  
Che Mohd Aziz Yaacob ◽  
Abdul Lantong

Many nation-states have increasingly found themselves in a situation where they are unable to sort out their domestic conflicts without third party mediation. This is particularly true for a country like the Government of the Philippines (GPH) who has been fighting violent protracted internal conflicts for many decades against Bangsamoro revolutionary groups. Therefore, with respect to the above, the purpose of this article is to compare peacebuilding models of third party mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts with particular focus between Malaysia and the Organization of Islamic Conference, presently Cooperation (OIC). Its approach is primarily an eclectic, by concentrating on the strengths and weaknesses of the peacebuilding models of the third party mediation as employed by both Malaysia and OIC. The article is divided into two major parts. The first part discussed both Malaysia and OIC’s diplomatic approaches in dealing with the Bangsamoro conflict, while the second part explained inclusivity versus exclusivity of both Malaysia and the OIC respectively. The study found that Malaysia’s model is more durable and successful when compared to OIC’s. In fact, Malaysia’s quiet diplomacy and less confrontational approach with greater inclusivity were more effective compared to elitist and confrontational approach of the OIC’s mediation to the Bangsamoro conflicts. Indeed, the Government of the Philippines and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GPH-MILF) peace process is one of the most inclusive peace processes in the world. It may have some who were left out in the peace process, but they were all consulted by both Manila and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) as opposed to OIC mediated Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front (GRP-MNLF) peace negotiations. Therefore, it is pertinent to conclude that there is nothing that resembles the inclusivity of the GPH-MILF peace process that characterized the exclusivity of the GRP-MNLF peace process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 70-88
Author(s):  
Jose Mikhail PEREZ

Two self-ascribed ethnic groups—Moro and Lumad—are native to Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Both groups share a common history of oppression from Western colonialism, Christian resettlement, and capitalist interests where the former has waged a more organized insurgency against the Philippine government in the late twentieth century. Due to the political superiority of the Moros, the Lumads are often left marginalized in the various peace processes in Mindanao due to their accommodation to the Moro’s call for the creation of anautonomous region under an internal power-sharing agreement. This form of double marginalization against the Lumad promotes a sense of internal colonialism where such arrangements are only left between the Bangsamoro regional government and the Philippine national government, thereby forcing the latter to accommodate to Moro interests. Analyzing the text of the recent peace agreements between the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF), the article attempts to understand the conflict dynamics between Moros and Lumads under power-sharing and power-dividing measures. The article concludes that consociationalismin ethnically divided societies often lead to more ethnic cleavages if done haphazardly to favor certain interests while leaving ethnic minorities at a disadvantage. Keywords: Moro, Lumad, Mindanao, Bangsamoro, consociationalism, identity politics.


Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sheila S. Coronel

A wide range of groups attempted to force President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo out of power in 2006 but failed. The attempt prompted the declaration of a state of emergency and plunged the country deeper into crisis. The year was marked by internecine rivalries among the country's elites, restiveness in the armed forces, and a renewed campaign against communists. But the economy seemed insulated from political uncertainty, posting high growth because of rising export receipts, more foreign investments, and record remittances from overseas workers.


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