scholarly journals ENTRE O DIÁLOGO E A RESISTÊNCIA: o movimento social de bairro no Conjunto Palmeiras, em Fortaleza (CE)

Caderno CRH ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (87) ◽  
pp. 659
Author(s):  
Antonio George Lopes Paulino

<p>O artigo revisita a história dos movimentos sociais de bairros de Fortaleza (CE), tendo como referente empírico o Conjunto Palmeiras, cuja formação territorial remete aos anos 1970. A análise resulta de aproximações etnográficas que adentram no cenário da mobilização por direitos fundamentais e pela urbanização do bairro, espaço social que resguarda uma memória de lutas e conquistas, possibilitando identificar agentes envolvidos na projeção desses movimentos nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Essa experiência de organização coletiva segue na formação de espaços de autonomia, com momentos de interlocução e resistência frente ao Estado, trazendo contribuições para o debate acerca de temas como movimentos sociais, soberania e representação popular.</p><p> </p><p>BETWEEN DIALOGUE AND RESISTANCE: the neighborhood social movement in the Palmeiras Set, in Fortaleza (CE)</p><p>The article revisits the history of social movements in neighborhoods in Fortaleza (CE), with the empirical reference to Conjunto Palmeiras, whose territorial formation goes back to the 1970s. The analysis results from ethnographic approaches that enter the scenario of mobilization for fundamental rights and the urbanization of the neighborhood, a social space that protects a memory of struggles and conquests, making it possible to identify agents involved in the projection of these movements in the 1980s and 1990s. This experience of collective organization continues in the formation of spaces of autonomy, with moments of dialogue and resistance towards the State, bringing contributions to the debate on topics such as social movements, sovereignty and popular representation.</p><p>Keywords: Policy. Social movements. Representation. Sovereignty. City.</p><p> </p><p>ENTRE DIALOGUE ET RÉSISTANCE: le mouvement social de voisinage dans le Palmeiras Set, à Fortaleza (CE)</p><p>L’article revisite l’histoire des mouvements sociaux de quartiers de Fortaleza (CE), ayant comme référent empirique le Conjunto Palmeiras, dont la formation territoriale se réfère aux années 1970. L’analyse résulte d’approches ethnographiques qui entrent en scène de mobilisation pour les droits fondamentaux et d’urbanisation du quartier, un espace social qui protège une mémoire des luttes et des conquêtes, permettant d’identifier les acteurs impliqués dans la projection de ces mouvements dans les années 1980 et 1990. Cette expérience d’organisation collective se poursuit dans la formation d’espaces d’autonomie, avec des moments d’interlocution et de résistance à l’égard de l’État, apportant des contributions au débat sur des thèmes tels que les mouvements sociaux, la souveraineté et la représentation populaire.</p><p>Mots-clés: Politique. Mouvements sociaux. Représentation. Souveraineté. Ville.</p>

2010 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 197-210
Author(s):  
Oskar Mulej

In this article, the Slovenian author merges the perspectives of the history of popular culture and of the history of social movements. At the turn of the 1970s/1980s, the little town of Ljubljana, the capital of the communist-ruled Slovenia, became the centre of Yugoslavian alternative culture, which run parallel to the official culture but was completely independent from it. Alternative culture constituted a protest against the realities of the last years of Josip Broz Tito’s rule. As such, it provoked hostile reactions of the state. The rulers of Yugoslavia did not take into account the fact that the punks only constituted a kind of “cultural opposition”, and not a viable political force. The punk culture was an attempt to create a new mode of expression and a new lifestyle, and its power as an inspiration in Europe, including Poland, was unprecedented. As a sui generis social movement, the punk paved the way for the emergence of civil society.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026858092110053
Author(s):  
Naoto Higuchi

Between the decline of mass protests in the 1970s and the Great East Japan Earthquake and Fukushima nuclear meltdown in the 2010s, which resulted in the resurgence of mass demonstrations, social movements were widely regarded as uncommon in Japan. In this essay, the author reviews Japan’s social movement studies in the last decade, focusing on the influence of the lack of mass protest since the 1970s on scholarly interests. The essay examines the following four topics: (1) slow responses to the resurgence of mass demonstrations in post-3.11 Japan, (2) quick responses to the rise of the radical right movement, (3) the emergence of cynical approaches to studying social movements, and (4) the redemption of the history of Japan’s postwar social movements. Despite some twists and turns, we can see how social protests are a perpetual element of Japanese society that sociologists study as a common phenomenon.


Author(s):  
Jurgen Willems ◽  
Marc Jegers

ABSTRACT This article describes a theoretical taxonomy of the structural features of social movements. We begin by using two classification criteria to analyze the types of relations that characterize the structure of social movements. From there, we look at how differences in structure relate to different goals and forms of action. We then derive a four-fold classification system based on formalization and hierarchy of relationships. For each classification we provide case descriptions of social movements (or parts thereof) using literature on how different movement structures support different types of goals and forms of action. Furthermore, we discuss the dynamics of social movements (or parts thereof) and how their classification may evolve. By doing so, we illustrate how changes in structure, goals, and forms of action mutually influence each other. RÉSUMÉ Cet article dresse une taxonomie théorique des caractéristiques structurelles des mouvements sociaux. Nous utilisons d’abord deux critères de classification pour analyser les types de relation propres à la structure des mouvements sociaux. Par la suite, nous observons comment des différences de structure coïncident avec des buts et des formes d’action différents. Nous développons ensuite un système de classification quadruple fondé sur la formalisation et l’hiérarchisation des relations. Pour chacune des classifications, nous fournissons des descriptions de cas de mouvements sociaux (ou de parties de ceux-ci) en recourant à des écrits sur la manière dont des structures de mouvement différentes entraînent des buts et des formes d’action différents. En outre, nous discutons des dynamiques des mouvements sociaux (ou de parties de ceux-ci) et comment leur classification pourrait évoluer. Par ce moyen, nous illustrons comment des changements de structure, de but et de forme d’action s’influencent réciproquement.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Leandro Gamallo

An analysis of the evolution of social conflicts in Argentina between 1989 and 2017 in terms of three aspects of collective action—the actors in contention, their main demands, and their chosen forms of struggle—reveals important changes since the country’s return to democracy. Collective action has extended to multiple actors, channeled weightier demands, and expanded its forms. With the emergence of progovernment and conservative social movements, it has become apparent that not all movement participation in the state implies weakness, subordination, or co-optation and that social movement action does not necessarily mean democratization or expansion of rights. The right-wing government of 2015 opened up a new field of confrontation in which old divisions and alliances are being reconfigured. Un análisis de la evolución de los conflictos sociales en Argentina entre 1989 y 2017 realizado a partir de tres grandes dimensiones de la acción colectiva (los actores contenciosos, las demandas principales que enuncian y las formas de lucha que emplean) revela cambios importantes. La acción colectiva se ha extendido a más actores, ha canalizado demandas más amplias y se ha expresado de maneras más heterogéneas. Con el surgimiento de movimientos sociales oficialistas y opositores de índole conservador, se ha hecho evidente que la participación de las organizaciones sociales en el estado no siempre significa debilidad, subordinación o cooptación por parte del estado y que la movilización social no necesariamente implica procesos de democratización o expansión de derechos. La llegada de una alianza de derecha en 2015 abrió un nuevo campo de confrontaciones que redefinió antiguas alianzas y divisiones.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 883-902 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matt James

Abstract. This article uses the recent Canadian campaign seeking redress for the infamous “Chinese head tax” as a vantage point from which to consider whether recognition-seeking social movements are undermining the cause of egalitarian redistribution. Methodologically, the article seeks to complement the normative theorizing and conceptual model-making that have tended to characterize the “recognition versus redistribution” debate by focusing more concretely on the dynamics of an actual social movement campaign. The article demonstrates how this approach can help to identify important nuances in recognition campaigns that blanket claims about recognition's impact both ignore and serve to obscure.Résumé. Cet article étudie la récente campagne canadienne cherchant la réparation dans les cas d'application de l'infâme taxe d'immigration aux Canadiens d'origine chinoise. Cette campagne offre l'opportunité pour étudier si les mouvements sociaux militant pour la reconnaissance des situations d'abus perpétrées par le passé sont en train d'éroder la cause de la redistribution égalitaire. D'un point de vue méthodologique, l'article essaie de compléter la théoretisation normative et le developpement de modèles conceptuels qui ont seulement pris en compte le débat dit “ de la reconnaissance versus la redistribution ”, en se concentrant plus sur l'étude de la dynamique d'une campagne sociale contemporaine. L'article montre le fait que cette approche peut aider à mettre en exergue d'importants nuances dans les campagnes dites “ de la reconnaissance ”, que des études plus generaux sur l'impact de la reconnaissance ignorent.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Gahr ◽  
Michael Young

This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the emergence of new contentious moral orders. We apply these lessons to help explain the creative interactions of evangelical Protestants in the history of American moral protest. Our approach accords with pragmatist and new social movement theories of emergent moral orders.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Herrera ◽  
John Markoff

Scholars of Spain's democratic transition vary considerably in the role they attribute to movements. Spanish democratization is widely known for its successful elite negotiations and some describe it as an instance of democratization from above. For others it is a case of social movement activism creating problems for those elites negotiating the democratization process. Among those social movements, the least studied took place in the Spanish countryside. Rural movements played a role well beyond the standard accounts in two important ways. First, they challenged significant obstacles to democratization that elite deals had left in place at the local level. And, second, the local arena had major implications for the national scene. We trace the history of four rural campaigns that were a pivotal component of Spanish democratization. We conclude with some general observations on the role of social movements in imparting a dynamic character to democracy.


Africa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susann Baller

ABSTRACTIn Senegal, neighbourhood football teams are more popular than teams in the national football league. The so-called navétanes teams were first created in the 1950s. Since the early 1970s, they have competed in local, regional and national neighbourhood championships. This article considers the history of these clubs and their championships by focusing on the city of Dakar and its fast-growing suburbs, Pikine and Guédiawaye. Research on the navétanes allows an exploration of the social and cultural history of the neighbourhoods from the actor-centred perspective of urban youth. The history of the navétanes reflects the complex interrelations between young people, the city and the state. The performative act of football – on and beyond the pitch, by players, fans and organizers – constitutes the neighbourhood as a social space in a context where the state fails to provide sufficient infrastructure and is often contested. The navétanes clubs and championships demonstrate how young people have experienced and imagined their neighbourhoods in different local-level ways, while at the same time interconnecting them with other social spaces, such as the ‘city’, the ‘nation’ and ‘the world’.


Focaal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2016 (76) ◽  
pp. 31-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alf Gunvald Nilsen

Th is article explores the articulations of citizenship in subaltern politics in contemporary India. Departing from Karl Marx’s acknowledgment that, despite its limitations, political orders founded on the modern democratic conception of citizenship had propelled “real, practical emancipation,” I argue that citizenship has to be understood as simultaneously enabling and constraining radical political projects and popular social movements. I flesh out this argument through a detailed analysis of Adivasi mobilization in western Madhya Pradesh, India. My analysis shows how the Adivasi Mukti Sangathan, a local social movement in the region, democratized local state-society relations by appropriating basic democratic idioms and turning these against local state personnel and the violent extortion they engaged in. Drawing on James Holston’s work on “insurgent citizenship,” I argue that claims making around such democratic idioms inflected citizenship with new and potentially emancipatory meanings centered on local sovereignty and self-rule. I then detail how this mobilization provoked a substantial coercive backlash from the state and discuss the lessons that can be gleaned from this trajectory in terms of the possibilities and limitations that citizenship offers to progressive popular politics in India today.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard P. Gale

This article modifies resource mobilization theory to emphasize interaction among social movements, countermovements, and government agencies. The framework developed for tracing social movement-state relationships gives special attention to movement and countermovement agency alignments. There are six stages of movement-state relationships illustrated with an analysis of the contemporary environmental movement.


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