The Malaysian Election Commission: Navigating Electoral Authoritarianism and Political Change

The urgency of electoral reforms has long been identified as a key to improving democracy in Malaysia. For decades, electoral manipulation through gerrymandering, malapportionment, and issues with the electoral roll and conduct of elections have undermined democratic quality and competition. The Malaysian Election Commission (EC) has – understandably – come under scrutiny for its role in facilitating and sustaining these problems. However, what requires a greater level of attention is the question of how the EC – despite its position as a constitutional institution that exists independently from the other branches of government – has operated in ways that undermined Malaysia's democracy and maintained a dominant party regime for over six decades. This Article brings this to light by examining the structural, institutional, and political conditions that shape the EC's operation, particularly with regard to re-delineation of constituencies and the conduct of elections. It argues that flaws in constitutional design, along with subsequent constitutional amendments, have rendered the EC vulnerable to partisan capture and thus affected its ability to function as an independent constitutional institution. In addition, this Article demonstrates how changes in political imperatives and judicial restraint in reviewing the EC's decision-making have also contributed to the deficiencies in Malaysia's electoral democracy.

Did the Colonial mita Cause a Population Collapse? What Current Surnames Reveal in Peru

We present quantitative evidence that the mita introduced by the Spanish crown in 1573 caused the decimation of the native-born male population. The mass baptisms after the conquest of Peru in 1532 resulted in the assignation of surnames for the first time. We argue that past mortality displacement and mass out-migration were responsible for differences in the surnames observed in mita and non-mita districts today. Using a regression discontinuity and data from the Peruvian Electoral Roll of 2011, we find that mita districts have 47 log points fewer surnames than non-mita districts, and fewer surnames exclusive to one location.

1152Use of Facebook to recruit cohort study participants

Background Social media is a relatively new means to recruit research participants. Methods The Australian Breakthrough Cancer (ABC) Study is a prospective cohort study that recruited people aged 40-74 years over 2014-2018. A range of recruitment methods, including ‘traditional’ (e.g. print media, electoral roll, word of mouth) and newer methods (i.e. social media, particularly Facebook) were used. Here we describe and compare these methods of recruitment. Results 52,614 (66%) of ABC Study registrants indicated they had heard about the study via Facebook (36,672 clicked through from an advertisement for the study and 15,942 through users ‘sharing’ content). Overall, 51,586 (64%) participants (58% female, 42% male) completed baseline study components (online questionnaires and provided a DNA sample). 58% of Facebook registrants completed baseline components, compared with 75% of those recruited by traditional methods. The cost per acquisition using Facebook was $1.66 whereas the cost per acquisition using traditional methods (e.g. via the electoral roll) was up to $30. Facebook recruitment initially attracted more female registrants but targeted advertising dramatically increased the proportion of men. Conclusions Targeted advertising can be used to modify the types of respondents obtained via Facebook. Although the proportion completing baseline study components was lower than for traditional methods of recruitment, the cost per acquisition was cheaper making it feasible to recruit a larger number of participants to obtain the desired study size. Key messages Facebook is a viable and economical source of recruits to large prospective research studies.

"Te kōwhiringa pōti Māori: Me rārangi Māori, me rārangi auraki rānei?" Exploring rangatahi Māori experiences of the Māori electoral option process: A mixed-method approach

<p><b>In Aotearoa New Zealand, Māori voters have the option to sign up for one of two electoral rolls: the Māori roll or the general roll. This function of Indigenous political choice and representation occupies a unique place in Aotearoa New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements. </b></p><p>While the Māori electorates have been around for over 150 years, the number of seats have grown from only four to seven in the New Zealand House of Parliament. Electoral roll populations determine the number of seats in Parliament, and provide a sole line of accountability to Māori communities for elected representatives. The Māori Electoral Option, which provides voters the opportunity to change rolls, is only presented once every five years. In this thesis I identify three pervasive systemic barriers, as well as a number of other issues, present in the electoral roll option process. </p><p>This research contributes to the growing literature looking at rangatahi Māori experiences intersecting with identity, place, space and time. Through a Kaupapa Māori lens, this thesis uses interview findings and quantitative analysis to discuss the experiences of rangatahi navigating the Māori electoral roll choice. Here I explore the various influences and complexities which impact rangatahi Māori interaction with the electoral rolls as well as the broader socio-political landscape.</p>

"Te kōwhiringa pōti Māori: Me rārangi Māori, me rārangi auraki rānei?" Exploring rangatahi Māori experiences of the Māori electoral option process: A mixed-method approach

<p><b>In Aotearoa New Zealand, Māori voters have the option to sign up for one of two electoral rolls: the Māori roll or the general roll. This function of Indigenous political choice and representation occupies a unique place in Aotearoa New Zealand’s constitutional arrangements. </b></p><p>While the Māori electorates have been around for over 150 years, the number of seats have grown from only four to seven in the New Zealand House of Parliament. Electoral roll populations determine the number of seats in Parliament, and provide a sole line of accountability to Māori communities for elected representatives. The Māori Electoral Option, which provides voters the opportunity to change rolls, is only presented once every five years. In this thesis I identify three pervasive systemic barriers, as well as a number of other issues, present in the electoral roll option process. </p><p>This research contributes to the growing literature looking at rangatahi Māori experiences intersecting with identity, place, space and time. Through a Kaupapa Māori lens, this thesis uses interview findings and quantitative analysis to discuss the experiences of rangatahi navigating the Māori electoral roll choice. Here I explore the various influences and complexities which impact rangatahi Māori interaction with the electoral rolls as well as the broader socio-political landscape.</p>

Valgt av og blant samer – og enkelte andre? Ulike velgergruppers holdninger til kriteriene for å delta ved sametingsvalg i Norge

Self-determination for Indigenous peoples requires boundaries between those who are entitled to take part in the processes of self-determination and those who are not. In Norway, the registration criteria of the Sámi Parliament’s electoral roll constitute such boundaries. These criteria have not caused as much conflict in Norway as in other Nordic countries with Sámi Parliaments, but some debate has taken place. Some have argued for wider criteria, to allow certain groups without a Sámi ethnic background to register, while others prefer more narrow criteria to ensure that the registered voters have sufficient Sámi roots and cultural competence. In this chapter, we analyse attitudes towards the registration criteria within the registered Sámi electorate. The 2013 and 2017 voter surveys show essentially the same picture. About two-thirds were satisfied with the current criteria on both occasions. Among those who wanted a change, the majority were for expansion rather than limitation. Marriage to a registered voter and long-term connection to a Sámi community received the most support among the potential extension criteria. Attitudes became slightly more restrictive from 2013 to 2017, but the changes were larger within certain groups. In 2013, the question of expansion was to some extent party polarized. By 2017, these party differences had decreased: Labour Party voters had moved towards the more restrictive NSR voters. Also, some differences in attitudes to limitation appeared in 2017, when those who wanted stricter criteria were found primarily among those who had high scores on various measures of ties to the Sámi community.

Mobiliseringsvalget 2019: Hadde kommunereformen noen betydning?

Voter turnout in the Norwegian local election of 2019 rose from the previous election by about 5 percentage points, to 65 percent, which is higher than any other local election since 1991. Another unusual feature of the 2019 election was the implementation of a much-debated and politically contentious municipal amalgamation reform. Voters in municipalities that were to be merged on January 1st, 2020, voted in the new municipal councils in the election. Consequently, a key question in this chapter is whether or not a link exists between the rise in turnout and the municipal reform. We start, however, by looking at turnout more broadly. Who votes in local elections, and who abstains? By using sampled panel data from the Norwegian electoral roll that covers five consecutive elections, we find that habitual voters tend to be highly educated and middle-aged. The permanent abstainers constitute 9 percent of the electorate, and they often have immigrant backgrounds and no higher education. The analyses of the municipal reform reveal no overall significant effect on turnout. Small municipalities that were merged saw some rise in turnout, relative to larger merged municipalities. Indications are that the political issues that dominated the campaign had a mobilizing effect. Two large-scale government initiated get-out-the-vote efforts likely played some role in getting people to the polls.

Sametingsvalget 2017: Velgere, kretser, partier og politikk

In this introductory chapter, we present the foundations for the analyses of the main chapters. We first present some basic features of the Sámi political system in Norway: the electoral roll, the constituencies, and how the number of registered voters has increased in the different constituencies. Next, the parties and lists that participate in Sámi elections are presented. We then describe the political situation before the 2017 elections, and the outcome of this election. We then turn to the data and methods used in the book, before we present the chapters of the book and discuss some overarching conclusions.