The Malaysian Election Commission: Navigating Electoral Authoritarianism and Political Change

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dian A H Shah

Abstract The urgency of electoral reforms has long been identified as a key to improving democracy in Malaysia. For decades, electoral manipulation through gerrymandering, malapportionment, and issues with the electoral roll and conduct of elections have undermined democratic quality and competition. The Malaysian Election Commission (EC) has – understandably – come under scrutiny for its role in facilitating and sustaining these problems. However, what requires a greater level of attention is the question of how the EC – despite its position as a constitutional institution that exists independently from the other branches of government – has operated in ways that undermined Malaysia's democracy and maintained a dominant party regime for over six decades. This Article brings this to light by examining the structural, institutional, and political conditions that shape the EC's operation, particularly with regard to re-delineation of constituencies and the conduct of elections. It argues that flaws in constitutional design, along with subsequent constitutional amendments, have rendered the EC vulnerable to partisan capture and thus affected its ability to function as an independent constitutional institution. In addition, this Article demonstrates how changes in political imperatives and judicial restraint in reviewing the EC's decision-making have also contributed to the deficiencies in Malaysia's electoral democracy.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov

The contemporary electoral system of Russia, once adopted to foster the country’s transition to democracy, has been transformed into a crucial pillar of electoral authoritarianism. This study investigates how the principal elements of Russia’s electoral system contributed to the consolidation of the authoritarian political order. While certainly not undemocratic in themselves and often borrowed from well-established democracies, the electoral institutions of Russia were assembled into a combination that effectively prevents alternation in power. The study shows that central role in this process was played by learning from error. At each of the stages of transition to authoritarianism, electoral reforms were implemented in order to minimize the risks that were revealed by the previous electoral experiences of the authoritarian leadership.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Tsun Hang Tey

AbstractThis article seeks to examine the constitutional and legal aspects of Malaysia's election laws (within its first-past-the-post electoral system) seen within the broader socio-political context of Malaysia's plural society and ethnic-based political representation to evaluate if they conform to democratic principles and equitable standards. In particular, this article seeks to: (i) explore how the growth of the dominant political elite has had direct implications for the development of Malaysia's electoral regime and arrangements for the holding of democratic elections; (ii) survey the implementation and enforcement of the election laws, including the Elections Act, Election Offences Act, Election Commission Act, Election Petition Rules and Elections (Conduct of Elections) Regulations; (iii) examine the need of immunity for the Election Commission; (iv) examine the role of the judiciary; and (v) highlight the areas for urgent electoral reforms to restore public confidence in the electoral system and ensure the legitimacy of the political system.


Author(s):  
Ngoc Son Bui

This chapter focuses on seven constitutional amendments in North Korea under Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un’s rule. The Suryong (supreme leaders) system informs and legitimizes the process and substance of constitutional change in North Korea, the experience characterized here as the personal model of socialist constitutional change. The change of Suryong normally induces constitutional change. The Constitution was, also, amended to incorporate Suryong’s new ideas and guidance. Procedurally, the constitutional amendments are formally approved by the legislature with a two-third majority vote, but amendment approval is effectively controlled by a Suryong. Substantively, constitutional change in North Korea improves the Suryong-Dominant Party-State System to facilitate the government’s role in improving the material wellbeing of living conditions. The need to improve the material wellbeing generates new ideas about socio-economic development, the institutional adjustment to facilitate effective management of the economy and the society at large, and empowering the citizens to some extent.


Author(s):  
Rotimi Suberu

The performance of the Nigerian National Assembly in the Fourth Republic has been profoundly ambivalent and contradictory. On one hand, the assembly has passed significant constitutional amendments and electoral reforms, curbed executive abuses, and functioned as a veritable platform for interethnic negotiation and conciliation. On the other hand, the assembly has often abused or underperformed its core functions of legislation, oversight, representation, and constituency engagement, thereby attracting widespread opprobrium for its ineffectiveness, obstructiveness, venality, and impunity. This chapter discusses the assembly’s conflicted record in terms of a disjuncture between its robust empowerment under the 1999 Constitution and its undermining by the corrupt, prebendal undercurrents of Nigerian political economy. Despite the creativity and relevance of current constitutional debates for reforming and improving the legislature, the pervasive and entrenched nature of prebendal structures are likely to make legislative ambivalence a long-term feature of Nigerian governance and politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-542
Author(s):  
Anita Bhatnagar Jain

India, the biggest democracy, is over 70 years old. Besides other regulatory authorities, election commissions have played a pivotal role in its formation. State election commissions (SECs) got the constitutional footing via the 73rd and 74th Amendments in 1993. Articles 243K and 243ZA provided for the elections to panchayats and municipalities, respectively. The panchayats comprise of district, block and village levels, while the municipalities include three levels based on the slab of urban population. The present study focuses on the SEC of Uttar Pradesh on various variables, including service conditions of commissioner, organisational structure, increasing responsibility, budget, use of technology and electronic voting machines (EVMs), measures to ensure transparency and objectivity and so on. The study surmises the challenge of evolving complexion of SECs in the changing environment. However, the role of various political parties and citizens and the sensitive issues of electoral reforms have to be simultaneously addressed for ensuring real democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001955612110225
Author(s):  
Mayengbam Nandakishwor Singh

Amid the debates as to whether India practises democracy in the true fashion, the stupendous role of the Election Commission of India (ECI) clearly exhibits that India adopts at least a robust electoral democracy. Stringent election codes of conduct are imposed on political parties. The ECI ensures that all Indian citizens eligible for political rights exercise their franchise independently. They are sufficiently empowered to choose their representatives. Since the responsibilities of ensuring free and fair elections are shouldered by the Election Commission, there is no doubt that it holds one of the worthiest roles in shaping Indian democracy. This article seeks to examine the changing role of the ECI in building electoral democracy in the country. Most importantly, the present article attempts to examine the noteworthy measures undertaken by the ECI to bolster the electoral democracy in India in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Eisa Ruhullah ◽  
Titin Purwaningsih

The researcher aimed to study the democratic process of the practices of the political parties of Bangladesh on Power Transmission since 2006. The study applied the qualitative descriptive method. This article aimed to measure the democratic process, power transmission, and the systematic crisis of the political parties with their wings. The investigation found that the practices of the parties are not purely democratic since the independence of the country. The government is mostly entitled by the two significant parties though there is a showcase of democratic elections. The election commission is responsible for the fair election, but unfortunately, that is not independent at all. Moreover, the most significant issue is the distrust amongst authorities. That is why there are constitutional changes usually happen due to dishonesty under the dominant party. The Study refers to the amendment of the 15th constitutional practice, making the election system unfair because the election was happening while the current government still controls the systems. It makes the opposition not to trust in the election commission. Thus, the country needs to have a non-dominant electoral mechanism and back to the amendment of the 13th old practices to make sure the democracy and transparency of the leadership in the country by the fair election. Furthermore, it will ensure the stability and the commitment of all bureaucrats to fulfill their services properly without any kind of influence.


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