The Politics of Activism and Biculturalism: the emergence of bicultural consultancies in New Zealand

<p>In what many commentators have characterised as a contradictory trajectory, a number of people involved in radical anti-state activism, which defined New Zealand from the late 1960s to the 1980s, became consultants on biculturalism for government agencies by the late 1980s. These consultants ran seminars for Pākehā public servants on the history and contemporary impact of Māori oppression under colonialism; Māori language, culture, and protocol; and the proposed future of the Crown-Māori relationship. This thesis uses genealogy and case study methodology to track the emergence of bicultural consultancies, their ideology and techniques, and their role in Māori policy reform beginning in the late 1980s. It aims to reveal the connections and disjunctions between the goals of anti-state activists active from the late 1960s to the 1980s, and the bicultural consultancies which emerged by the late 1980s. Māori anti-racist and anti-state activists and their Pākehā allies skilfully leveraged the state by invoking the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi to call for a new partnership between Māori and the state, a partnership that by the 1980s was officially termed biculturalism. The public sector, which was identified as institutionally racist by activists, was an important focus of this activism. Activists demanded that Pākehā-dominated government departments be reformed to better reflect and serve Māori. The state’s response to these demands, beginning in earnest with the 1988 policy paper Te Urupare Rangapu and additionally sustained by the precepts of so-called ‘bicultural’ or ‘Treaty’ issues, created the demand for consultants to assist with reforming Māori policy making and delivery, and by extension, those public servants that would be responsible for the success of these reforms. While bicultural consultants were still working with anti-racist ideas and frameworks, the ascendancy of bicultural and Treaty discourses by the end of the 1980s somewhat obfuscated the ontologies of race and institutional racism in their work.</p>

The Politics of Activism and Biculturalism: the emergence of bicultural consultancies in New Zealand

<p>In what many commentators have characterised as a contradictory trajectory, a number of people involved in radical anti-state activism, which defined New Zealand from the late 1960s to the 1980s, became consultants on biculturalism for government agencies by the late 1980s. These consultants ran seminars for Pākehā public servants on the history and contemporary impact of Māori oppression under colonialism; Māori language, culture, and protocol; and the proposed future of the Crown-Māori relationship. This thesis uses genealogy and case study methodology to track the emergence of bicultural consultancies, their ideology and techniques, and their role in Māori policy reform beginning in the late 1980s. It aims to reveal the connections and disjunctions between the goals of anti-state activists active from the late 1960s to the 1980s, and the bicultural consultancies which emerged by the late 1980s. Māori anti-racist and anti-state activists and their Pākehā allies skilfully leveraged the state by invoking the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi to call for a new partnership between Māori and the state, a partnership that by the 1980s was officially termed biculturalism. The public sector, which was identified as institutionally racist by activists, was an important focus of this activism. Activists demanded that Pākehā-dominated government departments be reformed to better reflect and serve Māori. The state’s response to these demands, beginning in earnest with the 1988 policy paper Te Urupare Rangapu and additionally sustained by the precepts of so-called ‘bicultural’ or ‘Treaty’ issues, created the demand for consultants to assist with reforming Māori policy making and delivery, and by extension, those public servants that would be responsible for the success of these reforms. While bicultural consultants were still working with anti-racist ideas and frameworks, the ascendancy of bicultural and Treaty discourses by the end of the 1980s somewhat obfuscated the ontologies of race and institutional racism in their work.</p>

Pragmatic state rescaling: The dynamics and diversity of state space in Indonesian megaproject planning and governance

In the past decade, Indonesia has become one of the Asian countries that massively promote large-scale infrastructure development to stimulate economic growth and improve the nation's competitiveness. Using the theoretical perspective of state rescaling, we explore how megaproject complexity defines the scope and process of state involvement in Indonesia's regional infrastructure planning, development, and governance. Aided by a typology of state rescaling, we compare two megaproject case studies: the Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Train (JBHST) and the Kertajati International Airport and Aerocity (KIAA). It reveals that the dynamics of political culture, governance style, and policy domain shed light on the pragmatic rediscovering of state activism to manage risk and uncertainty in Indonesia’s multi-actor and multi-scale megaproject decision-making environment.

COMBATENDO O ENCARCERAMENTO EM MASSA,LUTANDO PELA VIDA

<div class="trans-abstract"><p>Neste artigo, busca-se analisar o modo como o arbítrio e a violência policial, sobretudo o encarceramento e as práticas de extermínio, terminam por fomentar a emergência de um multifacetado campo político, que mobiliza coletivos, movimentos e ativistas variados. O objetivo central consiste na construção de um plano analítico que permita incorporar essas movimentações políticas no campo dos estudos prisionais, demonstrando como o encarceramento, juntamente com outros dispositivos punitivos, se constitui como ponto de articulação e transformação desses movimentos. Tomando como referência empírica experiências de articulação política em São Paulo, destaca-se a centralidade que a prisão adquire na pauta dessas articulações e o protagonismo que nelas adquirem as vítimas da violência estatal. Além de pesquisa documental, as análises baseiam-se no engajamento dos autores, implicados nessas movimentações. No centro dessas muitas articulações, nos defrontamos com a defesa da vida – a vida como valor e como campo de disputa.</p><p><strong>Palavras-Chave: </strong>Prisão; Encarceramento em massa; Extermínio; Ativismo; Política</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><strong>FIGHTING MASS INCARCERATION, FIGHTING FOR LIFE</strong></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>In this article, we examine how incarceration and practices of extermination foster the emergence of a multifaceted political field that mobilizes collectives, social movements and activists. Our central objective consists in the construction of an analytical plan to incorporate these political movements in the field of prison studies, demonstrating how incarceration, together with other punitive devices, constitutes a point of articulation and transformation of these same movements. We take as empirical reference experiences of political articulation in São Paulo, highlighting the centrality that prison acquires in the agenda of these articulations and the protagonism that the victims of state violence acquire in them. In addition to documentary research, the analyzes are based on the authors’ engagement in these movements. At the heart of these many articulations, we are faced with the defense of life – life as value and as a field of conflict.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Prison; Mass imprisonment; Extermination; State; Activism; Politics</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><strong>LUTTER CONTRE L’INCARCÉRATION DE MASSE, LUTTE POUR LA VIE</strong></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>Dans cet article, nous analysons comment la violence policière, notamment les pratiques d’incarcération et d’extermination, favorise l’émergence d’un champ politique vaste et diversifié qui mobilise divers groupes, mouvements sociaux et activistes. Notre objectif central est la construction d’un plan analytique visant à incorporer ces mouvements politiques dans le domaine des études pénitentiaires, démontrant ainsi que l’emprisonnement, associé à d’autres dispositifs punitifs, constitue un point d’articulation et de transformation de ces mouvements. En prenant comme référence empirique les expériences d’articulation politique à São Paulo, nous soulignons la centralité que la prison acquiert, ainsi que le protagonisme des victimes de la violence de l’État. Les analyses sont basées sur des recherches documentaires et sur l’engagement des auteurs dans ces mouvements. Au cœur de ces nombreuses articulations, nous sommes confrontés à la défense de la vie – la vie en tant que valeur et champ de conflit.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>prison; Extermination; Incarcération en masse; État; Activisme; Politique</p></div>

Cultural Autonomy in Hungary: Inward or Outward Looking?

Since the late 1980s, the interpretations of policy toward Hungary’s minorities—most notably the country’s 1993 minority law and the minority self-governments established as part of a system of nonterritorial autonomy (NTA)—have been the subject of debates in politics and academia in at least two critical respects. Aside from the declarative character of the law, foremost has been the question of Hungary’s kin-state activism toward Hungarians abroad and the implications this has carried for domestic minority issues. A second—and related—question has concerned the extent to which cultural autonomy and minority rights are in accordance with the needs of the Roma, by far the country’s largest ethnic minority group. A growing number of scholars have accepted the argument that the minority law was enacted because of concerns regarding Hungarian minorities living in the neighboring countries. In our view, it is more appropriate to ask instead how Hungary’s kin-state policies have influenced the opportunities for domestic groups, and, in particular, how Hungary fits into the broader context of post-Communist state- and nation-building projects. This is the approach we take in this article, which aims to unpack and reconcile the complex and seemingly contradictory findings on the Hungarian case. Our conclusions are drawn from a content analysis of parliamentary debates on the minority law—something that has never previously been undertaken. This is supplemented by semi-structured interviews with former and current politicians and minority activists.

AVALIAÇÃO, REGULAÇÃO, SUPERVISÃO E ACREDITAÇÃO DA EDUCAÇÃO SUPERIOR: análise do Projeto INSAES

O artigo investiga o Projeto de Lei que propõe a criação do Instituto Nacional de Supervisão e Avaliação da Educação Superior (INSAES), que pretende unir em uma única agência as atividades de avaliação, regulação, supervisão e acreditação, otimizando recursos e integrando processos. O objetivo foi analisar o Projeto INSAES, proposto pelo Governo Dilma Vana Rousseff, e seus desdobramentos no debate legislativo. A pesquisa foi construída tendo como postura, método e modelo de análise a literatura fundamentada no materialismo dialético, sob a articulação das categorias da totalidade, da contradição e da mediação. Quanto aos procedimentos técnicos de coleta e análise dos dados, realizou-se pesquisa documental, notadamente a partir da legislação correlata. O movimento expositivo da pesquisa partiu das determinações e relações diversas ao concreto pensado, com o intuito de representar o fenômeno estudado no seu lugar histórico. A investigação constatou que o Projeto INSAES foi gestado num contexto da agenda governamentalem que se buscava fortalecer o ativismo estatal. Aproximando-se do modelo de agência reguladora, o INSAES substituiria a Secretaria de Regulação e Supervisão da Educação Superior (SERES) e assumiria parte das competências do Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira (INEP), acarretando alterações na Lei do SINAES. Conclui-se que se trata de um marco no debate público em torno da avaliação da educação superior no Brasil, sendo necessário aprofundar as discussões sobre o tema a fim de subsidiar proposições acerca da política a ser desenvolvida.EVALUATION, REGULATION, SUPERVISION AND ACCREDITATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION: analysis of the INSAES ProjectAbstractThe article analyzes the Bill that proposes the creation of the National Institute of Supervision and Evaluation of Higher Education (INSAES), which intends to unite in a single agency the activities of evaluation, regulation, supervision and accreditation, optimizing resources and integrating processes. The objective was to analyze the INSAES Project, proposed by the Dilma Rousseff Government and its consequences in the legislative debate. The research was built having as a posture, method and model of analysis the literature based on dialectical materialism, under the articulation of the categories of totality, contradiction and mediation. Regarding the technical procedures of data collection and analysis, a documentary research was carried out, notably from the related legislation. The expository movement of the research started from the determinations and diverse reactions to the concrete thought, in order to represent the studied phenomenon in its historical place. The investigation found that the INSAES Project was conceived in the context of the government agenda aimed at strengthening state activism. Approaching the regulatory agency model, INSAES would replace the Secretariat of Regulation and Supervision of Higher Education (SERES) and would assume part of the competencies of the National Institute for Educational Studies and Research Anísio Teixeira (INEP), causing changes in the Law of SINAES. It is concluded that this is a milestone in the public debate around the evaluation of higher education in Brazil, It is necessary to deepen the discussions on the subject in order to support propositions about the policy to be developed.Keywords: Higher education. Evaluation. Accreditation. INSAES.EVALUACIÓN, REGULACIÓN, SUPERVISIÓN Y ACREDITACIÓN DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR: análisis del proyecto INSAESResumenEl artículo analiza el proyecto de ley que propone la creación del Instituto Nacional de Supervisión y Evaluación de la Educación Superior (INSAES), que pretende unir en una agencia las actividades de evaluación, regulación, supervisión y acreditación, optimizando recursos e integrando procesos. El objetivo fue analizar el Proyecto INSAES, propuesto por el Gobierno Dilma Vana Rousseff, y sus consecuencias en el debate legislativo. La investigación se realizó tomando como posición, método y modelo de análisis las reflexiones de Marx y el materialismo dialéctico, articulando las categorías de totalidad, contradicción y mediación. Con respecto a los procedimientos técnicos para la recopilación y análisis de datos, se realizó una investigación documental, destacando la legislación relacionada. El movimiento expositivo de la investigación partió de las determinaciones y las diversas relaciones con el pensamiento concreto, para representar el fenómeno estudiado en su lugar histórico. La investigación señaló que el Proyecto INSAES fue diseñado en un contexto de la agenda gubernamental dirigida a fortalecer el activismo estatal. Similar al modelo de agencia reguladora, INSAES reemplazaría a la Secretaría de Regulación y Supervisión de la Educación Superior (SERES) y asumiría parte de las competencias del Instituto Nacional de Estudios e Investigación Educativa Anísio Teixeira (INEP), acarreando cambios en la Ley del SINAES. Se concluye que este es un hito en el debate público sobre la evaluación de la educación superior en Brasil, y es necesario profundizar las discusiones sobre el tema para apoyar las propuestas sobre la política a desarrollar.Palabras clave: Educación Superior. Evaluación. Acreditación. INSAES.

Doing activism like a state: Progressive municipal government, Israel/Palestine and BDS

Activism is typically placed in opposition to state practice. Yet, state bodies often participate in campaigns and movements for change, drawing on different powers and capacities, including the ability to withhold goods, land and contracts. This article explores subnational state activism – what it means and the activist framework it offers – through a study of UK local government’s episodic participation in the pro-Palestinian movement for divestment and boycott of Israel. Municipal participation in this movement demonstrates certain tensions and challenges for subnational state activism, in conditions of conflict, where critics denounce local government for over-reaching and acting improperly. This article focuses on two key aspects: the relationship of municipal activism to de-subordination and the troubling of state hierarchy; and the place of responsibility, care and democratic embeddedness within municipal state practice. Together, these strands contribute to wider debates about progressive statehood and paradigms of institutional activism.