international alliances
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Author(s):  
Jelena Subotic

This article explores the relationship between antisemitism and international politics, specifically the potent role that antisemitism plays in the development and maintenance of the global populist international. After briefly sketching the history of modern transnational antisemitism, I make two principal arguments for why antisemitism should be of more direct concern for the scholarship of International Relations. First, antisemitism serves as a powerful interpretive framework for contemporary far-right populist movements that are challenging the current international order. Second, antisemitism is shaping the formation of new international alliances. The strategic use of antisemitism in far-right populist foreign policy has changed, as evidenced in the increasing decoupling of attitudes towards Israel from antisemitism against diaspora Jews and a rise in pro-Israel policies of far-right antisemitic parties and movements. I conclude by reasserting that International Relations should understand antisemitism as one of the interpretive foundations of the global illiberal resurgence.


KANT ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 172-177
Author(s):  
Roman Medvedev

The article is devoted to the study of the activities of international strategic business alliances in the context of their influence on the development of the intercountry system of entrepreneurship, analysis of activities and identification of the characteristic features of the construction of these entrepreneurial structures. The author examines the specifics of the tools for the development of cross-country entrepreneurship, the economic essence of this phenomenon, its subjects and forms. The article also examines the main reasons for the emergence of cross-country entrepreneurship from the point of view of leading domestic and foreign scientists. It is concluded that the role of international alliances as a tool for building cross-country entrepreneurship is currently underestimated, despite the significant advantages to participants in the formation of a competitive environment.


Never Trump ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 221-239
Author(s):  
Robert P. Saldin ◽  
Steven M. Teles

This chapter studies how Donald Trump directly challenged the core beliefs of conservative economists during the campaign, almost gleefully dismissing many of their core beliefs and openly spurning their advice. Indeed, just as he attacked the belief of national security conservatives in international alliances, Trump challenged the core creed of the economics discipline which held that an expanded scale of markets—for goods, capital, and people—was essential to economic growth and human flourishing. Rather than envisioning a world in which economic interdependence makes all nations wealthier, Trump advanced a darker vision in which America was constantly exploited by other nations, a trend that he would counter by making “great deals” that put “America first.” Republican economists had every reason to fear Trump and what he was doing to the party, yet they responded by keeping their distance. Unlike national security professionals, there has been little to no collective action by economists.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Lai ◽  
Jonathan Day

What explains the level of commitment within an international military alliance? Specifically, when do alliances choose to adopt active military support for offensive uses of force versus lower levels of commitment? Drawing on the rational design of international institutions literature, this paper argues that the choice of commitment is a conscious effort to address two competing problems. The first is the potential for entrapment. Allies worry that commitments may lead other member states to act in a risky fashion, creating unnecessary conflict. The other problem is the need to demonstrate commitment in order to maximize the bargaining power of the member states. The former problem leads allies to choose lower levels of commitment like defense pacts in order to signal to alliance members what types of behaviors are acceptable. Conversely, the latter problem encourages states to make broader obligations about when they will use force. Empirically, concern for moral hazard should be more likely when there are power disparities amongst members within an alliance. Greater levels of threat facing alliance members should lead states to favor maximizing their commitments. These two arguments are tested empirically on all alliances from 1816-1992 with results supporting both conjectures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-145
Author(s):  
Gang-Hoon Seo

AbstractOver the past several decades, airlines have formed and participated in international alliances to seek competitive advantages. However, it is still unclear whether airlines obtain substantial competitive advantages through an international alliance and how to measure the competitive advantages of alliances and airlines. This study presents a critical literature review as a contribution to comprehensive and novel empirical researches in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 08 (04) ◽  
pp. 538-552
Author(s):  
Dursun Bingöl ◽  
Suat Begeç

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 01011
Author(s):  
E.A. Kandrashina ◽  
S.I. Ashmarina ◽  
D.V. Aleshkova ◽  
M.V. Vorotnikova

Currently, in Russia there is a need for inclusion of Russian companies in the global value chains. The international alliances created in the automotive industry are able to influence this situation to a certain extent. Increasing the level of localization of such enterprises is a possible solution to the problem of production value chains formation. The aim of this research is to compare the level of production localization of automotive industry enterprises in Russia. The main research methods are comparison, analysis and synthesis of the obtained information. The authors analyzed the degree of localization of the largest automobile enterprises included in international alliances.


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