Psychiatry Disorders and Sociodemographic Profile of the Victims of Assault Attending the Teaching Hospital—Cross-Sectional Study

Background: According to World Health Organization, proportion of women experiencing either physical or sexual violence ranges between 15% and 17%. In India, one-third of women population in 15 to 49 age group experiences sexual assault at least once in their life, predisposing them to develop psychiatric disorders. Aims and Objectives: To assess prevalence of psychiatry disorders among victims of assault attending tertiary care center. Methodology: It is a retrospective, record-based study which was conducted among 216 victims of assault attending one-stop center. Study was started after obtaining Institutional Ethical Committee clearance and permissions from concerned authorities and confidentiality was maintained throughout the study. Data was analyzed by frequency, proportion, and chi-square tests using SPSS version 16. Results: Out of 216 victims, 50% were physically assaulted and 50% were sexually assaulted. Among 108 sexual assault cases, 81.5% victims were raped, 2.7% were sexually harassed, 1.9% was sexually abused, and 13.9% children were sexually abused. A total of 30.1% had adjustment disorder, 11.6% had dysthymia, 8.3% had mild depression, 5.6% had moderate depression, 0.5% had obsessive-compulsive disorder, 0.5% had psychosis, and 43.5% did not have any psychiatry disorder. Conclusion: Majority of the sexually assaulted victims belonged to age group 16 to 20 years and had adjustment disorder, whereas physically assaulted victims belonged to age group above 36 years and had dysthymia and depression. Special services like medical care, counseling, legal aid, and so on should be provided to victims free of charge. Awareness and sensitization programs should be done through active community participation for the welfare of children and women.

Protection of participants in a proposed treatment-based alternative to prison for men who have sexually assaulted an adult

<p>This thesis examines the proposed “treatment track” for men who have sexually assaulted an adult. The treatment track would offer community-based rehabilitation as an alternative to imprisonment when a perpetrator pleads guilty and is assessed as suitable for entry. It has the potential to increase reporting of sexual assaults of adults, decrease attrition in the processing of those complaints, provide a less distressing experience for complainants, and reduce reoffending. The treatment track has broad public support in principle, but work is required to develop the idea into a model and assess its feasibility. In this thesis, I consider whether the treatment track – as part of the criminal justice process – could offer sufficient protection for the liberties of its potential and actual participants. I use Roberts’ discussion of penal minimalism as a theoretical framework, which has not been applied to alternative ways of resolving offending before. I conclude that the treatment track could not yet fulfil the requirements of penal minimalism. Overall, the thesis advances the development of fair and effective alternative resolutions of serious offending. It does this by considering how one such alternative could be designed so that it respects fundamental liberties, developing sentencing theory to make it applicable to this new context, and by proposing an empirical research agenda guided by the requirements of penal minimalism. The thesis argues the following: The first condition of penal minimalism is that the state’s preventive duty should be exercised only where there is sufficiently serious harm to warrant intervention by the criminal justice process. In this context, it must be established that sexual recidivism is a serious enough problem to warrant intervention with legally-mandated, potentially intrusive treatment and risk management measures. Official conviction rates suggest no pressing need for more widely available treatment to reduce recidivism by men convicted of sexually assaulting an adult. I argue, however, that the self-report literature on undetected perpetration and the under-reporting and attrition figures in sexual cases indicate that repeat sexual violence perpetration (both by men whose offending currently results in a conviction and those whose offending has not been formally detected) is a serious problem requiring intervention, thus fulfilling the first condition of penal minimalism. The second condition of penal minimalism is that the proposed reform is likely to be effective in preventing the identified harm. I argue that the treatment track could reduce sexual recidivism if it achieved either of two things. First, it could bring into the criminal justice process perpetrators of sexual violence who are likely to reoffend without intervention and with whom there would not otherwise be any intervention to reduce their risk of reoffending. Secondly, the treatment track could reduce reoffending by men who would currently be convicted of a sexual offence and imprisoned, more effectively than current sentencing and correctional practice. I synthesise the various relevant bodies of empirical evidence to try to answer these questions, highlighting the wide gaps in knowledge that mean it cannot be concluded that the treatment track would be effective in reducing sexual reoffending. The third condition of penal minimalism is that the proposed reform should not infringe unduly on the liberties of the accused/offender. I focus on whether the treatment track could be designed to be equivalent in severity to the sentence of imprisonment that would otherwise be imposed. I develop the theory on the principle of proportionality to accommodate resolutions such as the treatment track which are restorative and/or treatment-based, and argue that it is possible for the treatment track and a sentence of imprisonment to be of equivalent severity. I then consider whether, despite equivalence in severity, the treatment track could coerce potential participants into pleading guilty and accepting psychological treatment, both interferences with their liberty.</p>

Protection of participants in a proposed treatment-based alternative to prison for men who have sexually assaulted an adult

<p>This thesis examines the proposed “treatment track” for men who have sexually assaulted an adult. The treatment track would offer community-based rehabilitation as an alternative to imprisonment when a perpetrator pleads guilty and is assessed as suitable for entry. It has the potential to increase reporting of sexual assaults of adults, decrease attrition in the processing of those complaints, provide a less distressing experience for complainants, and reduce reoffending. The treatment track has broad public support in principle, but work is required to develop the idea into a model and assess its feasibility. In this thesis, I consider whether the treatment track – as part of the criminal justice process – could offer sufficient protection for the liberties of its potential and actual participants. I use Roberts’ discussion of penal minimalism as a theoretical framework, which has not been applied to alternative ways of resolving offending before. I conclude that the treatment track could not yet fulfil the requirements of penal minimalism. Overall, the thesis advances the development of fair and effective alternative resolutions of serious offending. It does this by considering how one such alternative could be designed so that it respects fundamental liberties, developing sentencing theory to make it applicable to this new context, and by proposing an empirical research agenda guided by the requirements of penal minimalism. The thesis argues the following: The first condition of penal minimalism is that the state’s preventive duty should be exercised only where there is sufficiently serious harm to warrant intervention by the criminal justice process. In this context, it must be established that sexual recidivism is a serious enough problem to warrant intervention with legally-mandated, potentially intrusive treatment and risk management measures. Official conviction rates suggest no pressing need for more widely available treatment to reduce recidivism by men convicted of sexually assaulting an adult. I argue, however, that the self-report literature on undetected perpetration and the under-reporting and attrition figures in sexual cases indicate that repeat sexual violence perpetration (both by men whose offending currently results in a conviction and those whose offending has not been formally detected) is a serious problem requiring intervention, thus fulfilling the first condition of penal minimalism. The second condition of penal minimalism is that the proposed reform is likely to be effective in preventing the identified harm. I argue that the treatment track could reduce sexual recidivism if it achieved either of two things. First, it could bring into the criminal justice process perpetrators of sexual violence who are likely to reoffend without intervention and with whom there would not otherwise be any intervention to reduce their risk of reoffending. Secondly, the treatment track could reduce reoffending by men who would currently be convicted of a sexual offence and imprisoned, more effectively than current sentencing and correctional practice. I synthesise the various relevant bodies of empirical evidence to try to answer these questions, highlighting the wide gaps in knowledge that mean it cannot be concluded that the treatment track would be effective in reducing sexual reoffending. The third condition of penal minimalism is that the proposed reform should not infringe unduly on the liberties of the accused/offender. I focus on whether the treatment track could be designed to be equivalent in severity to the sentence of imprisonment that would otherwise be imposed. I develop the theory on the principle of proportionality to accommodate resolutions such as the treatment track which are restorative and/or treatment-based, and argue that it is possible for the treatment track and a sentence of imprisonment to be of equivalent severity. I then consider whether, despite equivalence in severity, the treatment track could coerce potential participants into pleading guilty and accepting psychological treatment, both interferences with their liberty.</p>

Sexual assault: women’s voices on the health impacts of not being believed by police

Background Sexual assault is a prevalent crime against women globally with known negative effects on health. Recent media reports in Canada indicate that many sexual assault reports are not believed by police. Negative reporting experiences of sexual assault have been associated with secondary victimization and trauma among survivors. However, little is known about the impact that being sexually assaulted and not believed by police has on a survivor’s health and well-being. The purpose of this study was to explore women’s experiences of not being believed by police after sexual assault and their perceived impact on health. Methods We conducted open-ended and semi-structured interviews with 23 sexual assault survivors who were sexually assaulted and not believed by police. The interviews explored the self-reported health impacts of not being believed by police and were conducted from April to July, 2019. All interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and entered into NVIVO for analysis. Data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s analytic method. Results Analysis revealed three salient themes regarding the health and social impact of not being believed by police on survivors of sexual assault: (1) Broken Expectations which resulted in loss of trust and secondary victimization, (2) Loss of Self, and (3) Cumulative Health and Social Effects. The findings showed that not being believed by police resulted in additional mental and social burdens beyond that of the sexual assault. Many survivors felt further victimized by police at a time when they needed support, leading to the use taking of alcohol and/or drugs as a coping strategy. Conclusion Reporting a sexual assault and not being believed by police has negative health outcomes for survivors. Improving the disclosure experience is needed to mitigate the negative health and social impacts and promote healing. This is important for police, health, and social service providers who receive sexual assault disclosures and may be able to positively influence the reporting experience and overall health effects.

Girls and Rape Culture

In 1983, Andrea Dworkin addressed the Midwest Men’s Conference in Minneapolis. She discussed the rape culture in which we live, noted the similarities between rape and war, and, following the title of her talk, asked for a “24-hour truce in which there is no rape.” And she asked why men and boys are so slow to understand that women and girls “are human to precisely the degree and quality that [they] are” (n.p.). Every sexual assault begins with the dehumanization of the victim. And sometimes, after the violation, after the pain and the fear, comes the institutional dehumanization visited upon the victim who seeks medical or legal help. Two recent memoirs bring to the surface rape culture, evident in the young men who raped these girls and the systemic dehumanization they suffered when they sought justice. Chanel Miller’s Know My Name (2019) describes the aftermath of being sexually assaulted, when she was just out of college and still living at home, by someone she met at a fraternity party. Although the case against her rapist was as strong as possible–there were eyewitnesses and physical evidence was collected immediately–he was sentenced to only six months in the county jail, and she was repeatedly shamed, her humanity denied by the judicial system. Lacy Crawford’s Notes on a Silencing (2020) describes the aftermath of being sexually assaulted, when she was 15, by two boys, students at her New England boarding school, including an account of how school officials refused to do anything other than label her promiscuous and protect the boys. The ways in which she was silenced by St. Paul’s, which disregarded her health and future, and denied her humanity because she was only a girl, were profound. In both cases, the promising future of the perpetrators was prioritized over the humanity of the girls by many institutions, including the judiciary and the press. Crawford was raped just seven years after Dworkin made her plea to that men’s conference, but Miller was assaulted twenty-five years after, making perfectly clear that rape culture has become only more entrenched.

“Warriors, Not Victims”: Precious Knowledge, the Fight for Ethnic Studies, and Accountability to the #MeToo Movement

This article shares an upper-division writing course's struggle to be accountable to both the #MeToo movement and the fight for Ethnic Studies in Tucson. These movements collided in our class after we planned a campus screening of the film PRECIOUS KNOWLEDGE, which chronicles the student-led movement to save the Tucson High School Mexican American studies program, and then received news that the director had sexually assaulted one of the student-activists in the film. In this article, collaboratively-written by the professor teaching the course and two students in it, we share our accountability process, and concrete methods for social-movement-accountability in the writing classroom.

Typologies and Correlates of Police Violence Against Female Sex Workers Who Inject Drugs at the México–United States Border: Limits of De Jure Decriminalization in Advancing Health and Human Rights

Decriminalization of sex work is increasingly promoted as a structural measure to improve the health of vulnerable groups. In México, sex work is not illegal, but knowledge of policies’ street-level impact is limited. This study describes typologies of police violence against female sex workers who inject drugs (FSWID), identifying risk and protective factors for violence exposure to inform policy responses. Survey data were collected during 2008–2010 among HIV-negative FSWID in a behavioral intervention in Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez ( N = 584). Latent class analysis identified typologies of police violence in the past 6 months: asked for money, money taken, syringes taken, asked for sex, and sexually assaulted. Structural equation modeling (SEM) predicted latent class membership using sociodemographic, behavioral and risk environment factors, controlling for age, education, marital status, and city. Recent police violence was reported by 68% of FSWID, with three typologies emerging: Low (36.6%); Material (47.8%): having money/syringes taken or being asked for money; and Material/Sexual (15.7%): material violence and being asked for sex or sexually assaulted. In multivariable SEM, Material Violence was associated with: being jailed [adjusted Odds Ratio (aOR) = 4.34], HIV testing (aOR = 2.18), and trading sex indoors (aOR = 1.66). Factors associated with Material/Sexual Violence included: being jailed (aOR = 41.18), injecting with clients (aOR = 3.12), earning more money for sex without a condom (aOR = 2.88), being raped by a client (aOR = 2.13), drinking with clients (aOR = 2.03), receiving substance use treatment (aOR = 1.95), being <18 when first trading sex (aOR = .43), trading sex outdoors (aOR = .53), and poor working conditions (aOR = .56). Despite de jure decriminalization of sex work, police violence against FSWID at the México–United States border is pervasive with implications for sex- and drug-related harms. Closing gaps in policy implementation and mitigating material/sexual violence from police is imperative to decreasing economic vulnerability, risk of overdose and HIV, and improving engagement in HIV and harm reduction services.