state mobilization
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2021 ◽  
pp. 089976402110574
Author(s):  
Rong Zhao ◽  
Adam G. Lilly

Research on China’s volunteerism highlights the state as a major force in mobilizing volunteer participation. Nevertheless, limited quantitative research exists documenting the extent to which Chinese volunteers are connected to the state system. Using a nationally representative dataset, the 2012 Chinese General Social Survey, this study examines how an individual’s employment affiliation with state-controlled institutions influences their probability to volunteer. The results show that the Chinese government not only directly mobilizes employees of the state system to volunteer but also has significant influence over the general population’s volunteering. This influence is mainly through the existence of Chinese Communist Party chapters in every corner of society, as well as the state’s direct and indirect control over social organizations that organize volunteer activities. We thus question the extent to which volunteerism in China is truly voluntary and call for more critical analysis of this issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-320
Author(s):  
Karen Soldatic

In this paper, I explore the ways in which settler-colonial states utilize the category of disability in immigration and Indigenous population regimes to redress settler-colonial anxieties of white fragility. As well documented within the literature, settler-colonial governance operates a particular logic of population management that aims to replace longstanding Indigenous peoples with settler populations of a particular kind. Focusing on the case of Australia and drawing on a range of historical and current empirical sources, the paper examines the central importance of the category of disability to this settler-colonial political intent. The paper identifies the breadth of techniques of governance to embed, normalize and naturalize white settler-colonial rule. The paper concludes with the suggestion that the state mobilization of the category of disability provides us with a unique way to identify, understand and analyse settler-colonial power and the interrelationship of disability, settler-colonial immigration regimes and Indigenous people under its enterprise.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 822-839
Author(s):  
Matthew Luxmoore

AbstractThis article examines the symbolic politics of three pro-state movements that emerged from the “preventive counterrevolution” launched by the Kremlin in response to Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. In 2005, youth movement Nashi played upon war memory at its rallies and branded the opposition “fascist”; in 2012, the Anti-Orange Committee countered opposition protests with mass gatherings at Moscow’s war commemoration sites; in 2015, Antimaidan brought thousands onto Russia’s streets to denounce US-backed regime change and alleged neo-Nazism in Kiev. I show how evocation of the enemy image, through reference to the war experience, played a key role in the symbolism of the preventive counterrevolution. Interviews with activists in these movements discussing their symbolic politics reveal an opposing victim/victor narrative based on an interplay of two World War II myths—the “Great Victory” and the “fascist threat.” Moving beyond approaches that view the Soviet and Russian World War II cult as a triumphalist narrative of the Great Victory over fascism, I conclude that its threat component is an understudied element.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-410
Author(s):  
George Vasilev

AbstractA notable feature of nationalism's contemporary resurgence is the increasing eagerness of governments to support and shape the political causes of populations living abroad that are viewed as ethnic kindred. However, global criteria for judging when such kin state activism is and is not acceptable have so far remained elusive, as the objectionable instances of the practice tend to overshadow the legally and morally consistent ones. I argue that the analysis of world affairs and promotion of global justice would benefit from an ethic of transnational conduct that has a rightful place for kin states. I defend a set of cosmopolitan criteria for this purpose, outlining how they enable us to recognize and combat the dangers posed by certain forms of kin state mobilization without forgoing the opportunities presented by certain other forms to overcome minority repression and enhance regional security.


Author(s):  
Jeronim Perović

In order to understand Moscow’s decision to deport the Chechens and other North Caucasians in 1943-4, it is essential to analyze the situation as it presented itself to the Soviet leadership during the late 1930s and early 1940s. The topics covered in this chapter include an in-depth analysis of the functioning of Chechen society and politics, including the role of traditional clan and family structures; the difficulties of the various state mobilization campaigns, namely the effort to mobilize soldiers for the Red Army; the situation in the Chechen-Ingush republic during World War II and the phenomenon of desertions and anti-Soviet rebellions.


Africa ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 656-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Emmanuelle Pommerolle ◽  
Nadine Machikou Ngaméni

ABSTRACTBased on a study of the International Women's Day (8 March), a truly popular event in Cameroon, this article attempts to understand the dynamics of state mobilization in this long-lasting regime. By observing the production and use of one of its symbolic objects, the pagne du 8 mars (a dedicated wax print), it sheds significant light on the social fabric of loyalty and the articulation of loyalist and disruptive popular mobilizations and allows us to move beyond ready-made, state-centred explanations. As an object of exchange and social distinction, the pagne provides women with a variety of ways of interacting (or not interacting) with the state and with men. Although, on the face of it, the act of dressing in the day's cloth may be seen as an expression of collective loyalty to the regime, one cannot assume that it represents a single, undifferentiated approach to authority. Licentious behaviour while wearing this pagne may even represent a real condemnation of moral and political power imposed on women. For the moment, however, this ritual and its popular mobilization are sufficient for the government's purposes: it is able to point to the event as an example of its capacity to mobilize its female citizens, thereby showing that its claims to legitimacy are well-founded.


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