FABRICS OF LOYALTY: THE POLITICS OF INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY WAX PRINT CLOTH IN CAMEROON

Africa ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 656-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Emmanuelle Pommerolle ◽  
Nadine Machikou Ngaméni

ABSTRACTBased on a study of the International Women's Day (8 March), a truly popular event in Cameroon, this article attempts to understand the dynamics of state mobilization in this long-lasting regime. By observing the production and use of one of its symbolic objects, the pagne du 8 mars (a dedicated wax print), it sheds significant light on the social fabric of loyalty and the articulation of loyalist and disruptive popular mobilizations and allows us to move beyond ready-made, state-centred explanations. As an object of exchange and social distinction, the pagne provides women with a variety of ways of interacting (or not interacting) with the state and with men. Although, on the face of it, the act of dressing in the day's cloth may be seen as an expression of collective loyalty to the regime, one cannot assume that it represents a single, undifferentiated approach to authority. Licentious behaviour while wearing this pagne may even represent a real condemnation of moral and political power imposed on women. For the moment, however, this ritual and its popular mobilization are sufficient for the government's purposes: it is able to point to the event as an example of its capacity to mobilize its female citizens, thereby showing that its claims to legitimacy are well-founded.

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Ghani Imad

The problematic addressed in this article is the challenge initiated by the Arab revolutions to reform the Arab political system in such a way as to facilitate the incorporation of ‘democracy’ at the core of its structure. Given the profound repercussions, this issue has become the most serious matter facing the forces of change in the Arab world today; meanwhile, it forms the most prominent challenge and the most difficult test confronting Islamists. The Islamist phenomenon is not an alien implant that descended upon us from another planet beyond the social context or manifestations of history. Thus it cannot but be an expression of political, cultural, and social needs and crises. Over the years this phenomenon has presented, through its discourse, an ideological logic that falls within the context of ‘advocacy’; however, today Islamists find themselves in office, and in a new context that requires them to produce a new type of discourse that pertains to the context of a ‘state’. Political participation ‘tames’ ideology and pushes political actors to rationalize their discourse in the face of daily political realities and the necessity of achievement. The logic of advocacy differs from that of the state: in the case of advocacy, ideology represents an enriching asset, whereas in the case of the state, it constitutes a heavy burden. This is one reason why so much discourse exists within religious jurisprudence related to interest or necessity or balancing outcomes. This article forms an epilogue to the series of articles on religion and the state published in previous issues of this journal. It adopts the methodologies of ‘discourse analysis’ and ‘case studies’ in an attempt to examine the arguments presented by Islamists under pressure from the opposition. It analyses the experiences, and the constraints, that inhibit the production of a ‘model’, and monitors the development of the discourse, its structure, and transformations between advocacy, revolution and the state.


Universitas ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
Víctor Castillo-Riquelme ◽  
Patricio Hermosilla-Urrea ◽  
Juan P. Poblete-Tiznado ◽  
Christian Durán-Anabalón

The dissemination of fake news embodies a pressing problem for democracy that is exacerbated by theubiquity of information available on the Internet and by the exploitation of those who, appealing to theemotionality of audiences, have capitalized on the injection of falsehoods into the social fabric. In thisstudy, through a cross-sectional, correlational and non-experimental design, the relationship betweencredibility in the face of fake news and some types of dysfunctional thoughts was explored in a sampleof Chilean university students. The results reveal that greater credibility in fake news is associated withhigher scores of magical, esoteric and naively optimistic thinking, beliefs that would be the meetingpoint for a series of cognitive biases that operate in the processing of information. The highest correlationis found with the paranormal beliefs facet and, particularly, with ideas about the laws of mentalattraction, telepathy and clairvoyance. Significant differences were also found in credibility in fake newsas a function of the gender of the participants, with the female gender scoring higher on average thanthe male gender. These findings highlight the need to promote critical thinking, skepticism and scientificattitude in all segments of society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (45) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Márcio Bonini Notari

<p><strong>RESUMO </strong></p><p>O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar o projeto de Lei, em tramitação perante o Senado Federal, que altera alguns dispositivos da Lei 9.307/96, instituindo a possibilidade de aplicação da Lei de Arbitragem no âmbito da Administração Pública. No primeiro momento, será abordado o conflito, a partir da teoria marxista e sua concepção acerca do Estado e do direito, enquanto aparelhos ideológicos, repressivos e intermediários dos interesses das classes dominantes, reproduzindo a lógica do sistema capitalista de produção, no uso da violência simbólica para a resolução das celeumas sociais. No segundo instante, o trabalho irá tratar alguns fatores atinentes à crise do poder jurídico estatal na solução das demandas presentes no tecido social, verificando, em especial, alguns fatores decorrentes da cultura normativista predominante na formação do jurista e suas implicações quanto à forma litigiosa no tratamento das lides. No terceiro ponto, será abordado o novo projeto de Lei, em tramitação junto ao Senado Federal, que institui a aplicação do instituto da arbitragem, em se tratando de conflitos envolvendo a administração pública.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Palavras chaves: Estado, direito, capitalismo, conflitos, arbitragem e administração pública</strong>.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p> </p><p>His article aims to analyze the draft law, in progress in the Senate amending some provisions of Law 9,307 / 96, establishing the possibility of applying the Arbitration Law in Public Administration. At first, the conflict will be addressed, from the Marxist theory and his conception of the state and law, while ideological, repressive and intermediate the interests of the ruling class devices, reproducing the logic of the capitalist system of production, the use of violence symbolic for the resolution of social uproar. In the second moment, the work will address some factors relating to crisis of state legal power to solve the demands present in the social fabric, checking in particular some factors arising from normative culture predominant in the formation of the jurist and its implications for the way in litigation treatment of chores. On the third point, will address the new draft law, in proceedings before the Federal Senate, establishing the application of the concept of arbitration, in the case of conflicts involving public administration.</p><p> </p><p><strong> Key words: state, right, capitalism, conflicts, arbitration and public administration.</strong></p><p> </p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan Bushelle

This article considers the sociocultural significance of Kūkai’s understanding of Mt. Kōya as a mandala. Locating the context for his formulation of this understanding in his efforts to found Mt. Kōya in the mid-Kōnin era (809–823), it seeks to elucidate its disclosive function. The interpretation is put forward that Kūkai’s mandalic understanding of the mountains disclosed the possibility of a disembedded form of Buddhist life, one in which the human agent is understood to exist outside the social world of the Heian court and the divine cosmos on which it was believed to be grounded. Particular attention is paid to the sociopolitical effects of this disclosure, suggesting specifically that it contributed to the differentiation of religious authority from political power in Japan. To elucidate this process, Kūkai’s founding of Mt. Kōya is situated in a genealogy of monks who founded mountain temples that operated relatively autonomously vis-à-vis the state. Kūkai’s erstwhile collaborator, Saichō, is given special consideration.


2020 ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
Yael Tamir

This chapter discusses the origin of the second kind of nationalism. It analyzes how members of minority nations are lured to question the existing national/political status quo when political power is eroded and the state faces a legitimization crisis. Yet, unlike the nationalism of the vulnerable that seeks to strengthen the nation-state, separatist nationalism wishes to seize the moment and loosen existing political frameworks. The chapter then elaborates the aims of separatism to recruit the support of all fellow nationals and form a cross-class coalition. In this sense, it is an inclusive kind of nationalism that labors to make its reference group as large and prosperous as possible. The chapter then turns to explore the power of utilitarian arguments to determine the construction of future states. Ultimately, it analyzes how the European Union led to the reemergence of small nations' nationalism. The chapter notes that today's separatist nationalism is the nationalism of small affluent nations that were oppressed by the threshold principle and were excluded from the national discourse because of utilitarian considerations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (23) ◽  
pp. 80-104
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS ORESTES FRANZEN

 O artigo analisa a gênese de implantação dos Institutos de Educação Rural no Rio Grande do Sul através da cooperação da Misereor na década de 1970. A proposta é de correlacionar realidades locais diante de uma conjuntura mais abrangente que condicionou a postura social da Igreja Católica bem como influenciou nas demandas do espaço rural do estado. Defende-se a ideia de que os Institutos de Educação Rural representaram uma proposta de modernização da agricultura sob a tutela do catolicismo.  Palavras-chave: Misereor. Catolicismo. FAG. Instituto de Educação Rural.THE ELEVATION OF RURAL MAN:  institutes of rural education and the cooperation of MisereorAbstract: The article analyzes the genesis of implantation of the Institutes of Rural Education in Rio Grande do Sul through the cooperation of Misereor in the 1970s. The proposal is to correlate local realities in the face of a more extensive context that conditioned the social position of the Catholic Church as well as influenced the demands of the rural area of the state. It ´s defended the idea that the Institutes of Rural Education represented a proposal of modernization of the agriculture under the tutelage of the Catholicism.Keywords: Misereor. Catholicism. FAG. Institut of Rural Education.LA ELEVACIÓN DEL HOMBRE RURAL:  institutos de educación rural y la cooperación de Misereor  Resumen: El artá­culo analiza la génesis de la aplicación de los Institutos de Educación Rural en Rio Grande do Sul a través de la cooperación de Misereor en la década de 1970. La propuesta consiste en correlacionar las realidades locales que enfrentan un contexto más amplio que condicionó la posición social de la Iglesia Católica e influyó en las demandas de espacio de estado rural. Se defiende la idea de que los Institutos de Educación Rural representaban una propuesta de modernización de la agricultura bajo la tutela del catolicismo.Palabras clave: Misereor. Catolicismo. FAG. Instituto de Educación Rural.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 512-515
Author(s):  
Alexandru Stoian ◽  
Teodora Drăghici

Abstract The principle of legality represents one of the most important principles of the state of law, which significantly contributes to defending the law order and the social balance. Established as a principle of the organization and functioning of the state public authorities at the Revolution of 1789 in France, the acknowledgement of the principle of legality in an act having a constitutional value marked the moment of foundation for the state based on law principles and represented a premise of creating a modern public administration. The principle is present at the level of each judiciary branch, which provides for its popularity due to its specificity. The paper aims at achieving a brief analysis of the role of the principle of legality in public law, presenting its importance in constitutional and administrative law.


1997 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 567-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
Konrad Elsenbichler

The last fifteen to twenty years have witnessed a phenomenal growth in the study of medieval and Renaissance confraternities, those lay religious associations that pervaded the spiritual and social fabric of pre-modern European society. In English-language scholarship, the field was first surveyed by three historians who firmly left their mark on this fertile soil: Brian Pullan examined the place of the Venetian scuole (as local confraternities were called) in the social fabric of the state; Rab Hatfield investigated the social and political influence of the Florentine confraternity of the Magi; and Richard Trexler probed the place of confraternities for youths in Florentine civic ritual.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Mohammad Horani

This study aimed at analyzing the dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state in Jordan from the sociological perspective of an analytical social conflict. It also concentrated on the factors that led to the emergence of popular mobilization and its Legitimacy and the variables that guided the peaceful confrontation between mobilization and state. The study results showed that economic deprivation was the main factor behid the emergence of the popular mobilization, and the political demands were emerged when the state didn’t achieve the economical Reforms , and the mobilization derives its legitimacy From its objective economical demands, the Arab revolutions and the concessions of the state which mean recognition of the Mobilization and its demands. Then the results showed that the mobilization was Fall back because of its lack of organization leadership and Ideology and the cleavages in the structure of national identity , but the conscious of the mobilization and its legitimacy may intense it again. Besides, The results indicated that the confrontation was included dialectical Relationship between the peaceful oriention of the state toward the mobilizations and the peaceful orientation of the mobilization from the other hand. This dialectical relationship constituted moral treaty between the two partisans stand out as safty valve against violence and polarization. After that, the study showed some Factors which, sometimes , provoked violence such as : the partisans, usage of violent power, and arrestation of mobilization’s activists . Then, the study showed that the confrontation was realistic , but didn’t occur substantial change in the social structure, However, it escalated the level of freedom, Raised the power of the street, and obtained the state and the society more flexibility and democracy. With regard to the theoretical approach, This study showed that the perspectives of analytical conflict are of complementarily nature, and it could be syenthesized to produce a new theoretical perspective. 


1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 880-885
Author(s):  
Charles Fairman

In August, 1787, while the Convention at Philadelphia was deliberating upon the commerce clause, the delegates witnessed a demonstration of John Fitch's steamboat, propelled uncertainly against the current of the Delaware. In the development of American federalism it may seem that technology—of which Fitch's steamboat will for the moment serve as a symbol—has counted for more than what the statesmen in Independence Hall worked out on paper for the distribution of power between state and nation. This is not to bespeak for poor John Fitch a niche beside the fifty-five founders; steam would have produced its centralizing effect upon economy and government even had there been no contribution by Fitch—who was, moreover, a cantankerous anti-Federalist in politics. I mention the coincidence merely to suggest that ingenious men invent and enterprising men initiate shifts in the nation's economy, and that the institutions of federalism have to adjust themselves to the resultant thrusts and resistances in the social medium. It is only at the end of the cycle that there comes a decision by the Supreme Court holding that the state had full power to act in the premises, or that the matter belonged exclusively to Congress, or that the command of the state was enforceable until Congress broke its silence.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document