scholarly journals The Ethics of Kin State Activism: A Cosmopolitan Defense

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-410
Author(s):  
George Vasilev

AbstractA notable feature of nationalism's contemporary resurgence is the increasing eagerness of governments to support and shape the political causes of populations living abroad that are viewed as ethnic kindred. However, global criteria for judging when such kin state activism is and is not acceptable have so far remained elusive, as the objectionable instances of the practice tend to overshadow the legally and morally consistent ones. I argue that the analysis of world affairs and promotion of global justice would benefit from an ethic of transnational conduct that has a rightful place for kin states. I defend a set of cosmopolitan criteria for this purpose, outlining how they enable us to recognize and combat the dangers posed by certain forms of kin state mobilization without forgoing the opportunities presented by certain other forms to overcome minority repression and enhance regional security.

1970 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katrin Flikschuh ◽  
Rainer Forst ◽  
Darrel Moellendorf ◽  
Valentin Beck ◽  
Julian Culp

Interview of Katrin Flikschuh, Rainer Forst and Darrel Moellendorf by Valentin Beck and Julian Culp for Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric (TPR)


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
OLEG V. Donetsk National University ◽  

Basing on a constructivist approach to international relations and foreign policy, the author has defined the conceptual content of the script, in which the experts of the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies imagine Crimea and the Black Sea region. The study was carried out on the basis of the materials of the Institute's analytical reports to the messages of the President to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014-2018. It was found that the ideas about Crimea contained in them are extremely mythologized: in the political picture of the world of the Institute's experts, the peninsula is considered as a “Russian bridgehead”, a source of “military threat" and an "occupied territory". Ukrainian experts are convinced that the motives of Russia's foreign and defense policy in the Black Sea direction are allegedly due to its desire for "expansion", "imperial policy" and the desire to "restore the Soviet Union." They perceive the reunification of Crimea with Russia as an event that led to a cardinal transformation of the geopolitical space of the Black Sea region that contradicts Ukrainian national interests. At the same time, on rational grounds, the institute is actively searching for conceptual approaches to organizing a new regional security system and creating a long-term, broad and durable alliance of anti-Russian forces, which could act as a NATO parallel structure in the Black Sea region in the future. Moreover, Ukrainian experts do not have any own geopolitical project or idea on this. They are considering several options for regional coalitions at once, paying special attention to the Polish concept of "Intermarium", which consists in creating a block of Baltic-Black Sea states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-183
Author(s):  
Peter Arthur

The last 25 years have seen Economic Community of West African States, through the use of various norms, structures and protocols, make the promotion of security and the implementation of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect (R2P) important aspects of the political landscape in the sub-region. The article argues that despite the great strides made by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the implementation of R2P, there are not only challenges (inadequate funds available for peace and security missions, conflicting interests and lack of agreement, poor co-ordination, inadequate human and logistics capacity) with its application in the sub-region, but also concerns about its future. Thus, to promote security and realise the goals of implementing humanitarian intervention and R2P in the ECOWAS sub-region, not only should the actors involved have the requisite capacity but also political will and commitment, citizen awareness, and co-operation among ECOWAS member-states and with the international community should remain crucial to the process.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Mosca

This article focuses on the political use of the Internet by the Italian Global Justice Movement (GJM) considering both the organizations and the individuals involved in the movement. First, a definition of the concept ‘political use of the Internet’ and its operationalization is provided. Second, light is shed on how the Internet is used politically by participants in social movements taking into account their organizational and participatory experiences. Data were gathered with quantitative and qualitative instruments during different researches: a survey of participants in a demonstration against the ‘Bolkestein’ directive and a series of interviews with representatives of different organizational sectors of the Italian GJM, complemented by a qualitative website analysis of the same organizations. While quantitative data allows for controlling relations among variables concerning the political use of the Internet by individuals, qualitative data provides more detailed information on Internet use in the everyday life of activists and organizations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Maksum

Regionalisme dan Kompleksitas Laut China SelatanOleh: Ali MaksumJurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Muhammadiyah YogyakartaEmail: [email protected] , [email protected] Abstrak Hubungan antara regionalisme dan kompleksitas Laut China Selatan (LCS) jelas penting untuk diteliti lebih lanjut. Hal ini karena dampak dari sengketa LCS jelas berpengaruh terhadap stabilitas politik dan keamanan di Asia Tenggara. Tujuan utama artikel ini adalah untuk memahami konflik, latar belakang dan dampak dari sengketa LCS di negara-negara kawasan tersebut. Artikel ini dibagi menjadi enam bagian yaitu regionalisme dan LCS, sejarah konflik LCS, profil negara pengklaim, regionalisme dan solusi perdamaian, LCS dan keamanan regional dan kesimpulan. Penelitian ini juga dilengkapi dengan beberapa visualisasi untuk mengajak pembaca dalam sebuah imajinasi mendalam tentang LCS. Penulis menyimpulkan bahwa regionalisme Asia Tenggara menghadapi tantangan serius di tengah ancaman China yang berhasil mengambil keuntungan dari lemahnya multilateral ASEAN terkait masalah tersebut.Kata kunci: keamanan, konflik, Laut China Selatan, regionalisme,Abstract The relationship between regionalism and the complexity of the South China Sea (SCS) issues is obviously critical to be examined. This is because the impact of the SCS disputes are clearly influence to the political and security stability in Southeast Asia. The primary objective of this article is to understand the conflicts, background and impact of the SCS disputes on the regional member states. This article is divided into six sections namely regionalism and the SCS, history of SCS conflicts, profile of claimant states, regionalism and peace solutions, SCS and regional security and conclusion. This study is also supplemented by some visualizations to engage the readers in deep imagination on the SCS. The author concludes that Southeast Asian regionalism was facing serious challenges vis-à-vis China which successfully took benefit from the ASEAN's weak multilateral approach on this issue.Keywords: conflict, security, South China Sea, regionalism[1]Korespondensi: Ali Maksum, Jl. Lingkar Selatan, Tamantirto, Kasihan, Bantul, Yogyakarta 55183 Indonesia. HP: 082231310704.


Author(s):  
Jiwei Ci

Given the huge impact of capitalism on global justice, it is a significant weakness of liberal political philosophy devoted to global justice that it has paid relatively little attention to this impact. Symptomatic of this weakness are the political ineffectiveness and explanatory reticence of liberal theories of global justice in the face of the large and arguably growing gap between theory and practice. This chapter discusses Rawls’s Law of Peoples as an paradigmatic case, taking particular issue with his vision of a realistic utopia and his idea of democratic peace. It aims to show how the mainstream liberal approach is vitiated in its grasp of relevant facts and in its normative plausibility by the separation of the political and the economic, of the normative and the causal, and by the resulting ideological reconciliation with the status quo.


Subject Political dynamics ahead of 2020 elections. Significance The government has launched talks with CNARED, a forum of opposition parties, to negotiate the return of its exiled leaders ahead of the 2020 presidential elections. President Pierre Nkurunziza, who has said he will not run for a fourth term, appears to be cautiously reaching out to the opposition in an effort to ease his regime’s diplomatic isolation and deepening economic crisis. Impacts The 2020 elections will likely see continued heavy human rights violations and restrictions on the political space. CNARED’s mooted return might increase tensions, rights violations and repression, especially once they try to campaign outside Bujumbura. Burundi’s crisis weighs heavily on regional security, especially in Congo’s South Kivu Province; the elections might exacerbate this.


Ethnohistory ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-95
Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Timmerman

Abstract Between 1790 and 1840, a constructed belief system arose arguing that the numerous Indian mounds were constructed by a separate, more “civilized” “Mound Builder” race. The multiple Mound Builder myths corresponded with a rising nationalism and romanticism in the United States that posited an ancient connection to the Old World. These myths reflected contemporary racial perceptions of American Indians, thus denying American Indian’s ownership of the land and their rightful place in history. Furthermore, the histories of the mounds serve as a modern-day warning against nationalism and pseudo-history for political purposes.


Author(s):  
Brooke A. Ackerly

Just responsibility is a way of taking responsibility for all forms of global injustice (not just women’s human rights) and to all people, even those who consider themselves removed from the politics of global injustice (though they want to be engaged). Chapter 7 applies the theory to taking responsibility through the enactment of roles in the political economy—those of consumer, donor, worker, and activist—and beyond. It summarizes the view of political community, accountability, and leadership essential to transformative politics. Just responsibility is more than a normative theory of human rights principles. It is also a normative political theory of how to carry out those principles not only in the practices proscribed by our roles in the political economy, but also in imaginative practices that defy the boundaries of those roles in order to transform the political economy. Just responsibility is a human rights theory of global justice.


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