information shortcuts
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Acta Politica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jankowski ◽  
Torren Frank

AbstractVarious studies demonstrate that candidates at the top of the party list have a strong advantage in preferential voting systems, particularly under open-list PR. Such ballot position effects can be explained by voters’ tendency to rely on easily available information shortcuts when selecting a candidate. In this paper, we argue that the strength of ballot position effects depends on the context of how voters cast their vote. Specifically, we argue that postal voters are less likely to rely on the ballot position cue compared to voters who vote on election day for two reasons. First, postal voters might be more politically interested. Second, postal voters have more time to assess additional information about the candidates. The hypothesis is tested by analyzing newly collected data from two open-list PR elections in the German federal state of Hamburg. The results confirm the theoretical expectations: Ballot position effects are substantively weaker among postal voters. Additional analyses suggest that differences in the political interest between postal voters and election day voters are unlikely to fully explain these results. These findings advance our understanding of ballot position effects and voters’ use of information shortcuts more generally.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Farías

PurposeThis study identifies the factors that affect the knowledge of mortgage loans' total cost.Design/methodology/approachEmpirical research utilizing a survey administered through in-home interviews was conducted. This study adopts the elaboration likelihood model (ELM) theory to analyze the influence of information shortcuts and borrowers' abilities and motivations on the knowledge of mortgage loans' total cost.FindingsThe results support that the use of the price–quality cue and brand credibility have negative and positive effects, respectively, on the knowledge of mortgage loans' total cost. Households' primary income earners have a higher knowledge of mortgage loans' total cost. The results also show that the household's primary income earners who are price conscious and brand nonbelievers have more knowledge of mortgage loans' total cost.Originality/valuePrice knowledge studies in financial services, especially in the mortgage loan industry, are scarce. Consequently, understanding the price knowledge level for mortgage loans and its potential antecedents has been insufficient.


Author(s):  
Paul R. Brewer ◽  
Kimberly Gross ◽  
Timothy Vercellotti

Trust in international actors, from nations in general to specific international governmental organizations and nationalities, can shape how citizens form judgments about international relations. This chapter examines the nature, levels, foundations, and consequences of such trust among mass publics, particularly the US public. Survey data from the past three decades reveal low levels of generalized trust in other nations. This form of trust reflects changes in the international environment along with individual-level demographics, social trust, political trust, partisanship, ideology, and media use. Trust in other nations is linked to an array of foreign policy opinions as well as evaluations of individual nations and trust in international organizations. Citizens’ beliefs about how much they can trust international actors provide them with information shortcuts for forming views about world affairs but may create obstacles to international cooperation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 843-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheryl Boudreau ◽  
Christopher S. Elmendorf ◽  
Scott A. MacKenzie

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig M. Burnett ◽  
Mathew D. McCubbins

AbstractVoters in many American states have considered important social policies that redefine civil liberties within their state through the initiative and referendum. An important question remaining is, are voters knowledgeable enough to make decisions on these social policies that have far-reaching effects? The common wisdom is that voters rely on information shortcuts in lieu of extensive knowledge about the issues. Unlike candidate elections, however, ballot measures lack some prominent and useful information shortcuts (i.e. party identification). We test the hypothesis that voters use shortcuts to inform their decisions on two ballot measures central to today's policy debates: California's Proposition 4 on parental notification for abortion and Proposition 8 on same-sex marriage. We show that voters do not use cues universally, and, furthermore, factual information has a limited effect on voters’ decisions. In particular, we find that the persuasiveness of an endorsement is conditional on whether an individual trusts the source.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 673-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Merolla ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson ◽  
Elizabeth J. Zechmeister

Abstract. This paper examines the usefulness of Canadian political party labels as information shortcuts. We supplement survey data analysis with the results of an experiment that tested whether knowing a party's position on an issue influenced opinion expression. We find that, contrary to findings in other countries, among our subject pool, Canadian political parties are not consistently useful as information cues. The Liberal party cue is hardly useful, and while the Conservative party cue can be effective, it appears to push partisans toward a more liberal stance on selected opinions. Only the NDP cue appears to influence opinions in the expected direction. These mixed findings run counter to foundational works on party labels as information shortcuts (mostly focused on US politics) and, instead, are consistent with previous scholarship on Canadian politics.Résumé. Cet article examine l'utilité des étiquettes politiques des partis canadiens comme sources d'information sommaire. Nous analysons des données d'enquête ainsi que les résultats d'un sondage visant à déterminer si le fait de connaître la position d'un parti sur une question donnée influençait l'expression des opinions. Contrairement aux résultats obtenus dans d'autres pays, nous constatons chez les sujets observés que les étiquettes des partis politiques canadiens ne sont pas uniformément utiles comme sources d'information sommaire. L'étiquette du Parti libéral s'avère à peine utile, tandis que l'étiquette du Parti conservateur, peut-être plus efficace, semble inciter les partisans à une position plus libérale. Seule l'étiquette du NPD semble influencer les avis dans la direction prévue. Ces conclusions mixtes contredisent des travaux fondamentaux sur le même sujet (portant pour la plupart sur la politique aux États-Unis) et confirment plutôt les études antérieures sur la politique canadienne.


1994 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Lupia

Voters in mass elections are notorious for their apparent lack of information about relevant political matters. While some scholars argue that an electorate of well-informed voters is necessary for the production of responsive electoral outcomes, others argue that apparently ignorant voters will suffice because they can adapt their behavior to the complexity of electoral choice. To evaluate the validity of these arguments, I develop and analyze a survey of California voters who faced five complicated insurance reform ballot initiatives. I find that access to a particular class of widely available information shortcuts allowed badly informed voters to emulate the behavior of relatively well informed voters. This finding is suggestive of the conditions under which voters who lack encyclopedic information about the content of electoral debates can nevertheless use information shortcuts to vote as though they were well informed.


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