scholarly journals ZAKI NAGUIB MAHMOUD’S THOUGHT ON IDEAL POLITICS (From Social-Criticism to Liberating-Nationalism)

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Supriyanto Supriyanto ◽  
Doromae Hayeehasa

The discourse on political dynamics in Islamic (Arabic) countries leaves a debate that will never end. One of the Muslim thinkers who contributed to the concept of Islamic politics was Zaki Naguib Mahmoud. Although he was not as popular as other thinkers, in the context of Islamic politics, the presence of Zaki's thoughts made Islamic political discourse more dynamic. Zaki offered some criticisms and conceptual proposals for political discourse, namely a political concept that is not only oriented to the struggle for power, but a political concept that liberates, prospers, and always tries to build a better order of life. Zaky was here to oppose the tyranny of power and the hegemony of the majority over the minority. For the Arabs, the realization of such a political vision is not impossible, considering that they have a noble heritage in the form of a spirit of nationalism rooted in the era of their predecessors. It is this spirit that should be able to establish political order and liberate the Arab country from backwardness, decline, and moral degradation.

2014 ◽  
pp. 193-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Rawski ◽  
Katarzyna Roman

How to Escape? The Trap of the Transition in the Recent Cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012)The paper concerns the latest cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012). Focusing on the cinema of social criticism (represented by movies which try to rethink the new socio-political order gradually emerging in BiH after the war of 1992-95), the authors recognize the Bosnian society as a community captured in the trap of an unfinished system transition. The story of the Bosnian society, simultaneously stuck in a dysfunctional and oppressive state and completely devoid of any prospects for the improvement of this situation, seems to be dominated by several escape strategies into an alternative reality: the nostalgic past, the imagined present or the utopian future. In that sense, the Bosnian cinema of social criticism turns out to be a cinema of social escapism. Jak uciec? Pułapka transformacji w najnowszym kinie Bośni i Hercegowiny (2000-2012)Tekst dotyczy najnowszej kinematografii Bośni i Hercegowiny (2000-2012). Skupienie na nurcie kina krytycznego (do którego zaliczone zostały filmy, które próbują interpretować nowy porządek społeczno-polityczny powoli wyłaniający się w Bośni i Hercegowinie po wojnie z lat 1992-95) pozwala ukazać społeczeństwo Bośni i Hercegowiny jako znajdujące się w pułapce wciąż niedokończonej transformacji systemowej. Opowieść o społeczeństwie z jednej strony uwięzionym w dysfunkcjonalnym i opresyjnym państwie, a z drugiej całkowicie pozbawionym perspektyw i nadziei na poprawę sytuacji, zdominowana jest przez rozmaite strategie ucieczki w alternatywną rzeczywistość: nostalgiczną przeszłość, wyobrażoną teraźniejszość lub utopijną przyszłość. W tym sensie, bośniackie kino krytyczne jawi się jako kino eskapizmu społecznego. 


Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter examines how historical time was conceptualized in imperial debate. It explores two broad variations that were articulated across the human sciences and in public debate, focusing in particular on the writings of historians. In the first, the modern British empire was figured as uniquely progressive, as capable—either in actuality or in potentia—of avoiding the social, economic, and political dynamics that had annihilated all previous specimens. This argument was most frequently employed in relation to India. The other strategy was to insist that the empire (or a part of it) was not really an empire at all, but rather a new form of political order that could circumvent the entropic degeneration of traditional imperial forms. To think otherwise was to make a category mistake. This argument was often applied to Britain and its settler colonies from the 1870s onwards. “Greater Britain,” as the settler colonial assemblage was often termed, could attain permanence, a kind of historical grace.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan

The 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia has renewed scholarly interest in post-Soviet revolution studies. This paper explores the core narratives underlying post-Rose Revolution and post-Velvet Revolution identity construction in Georgian and Armenian political discourses. More specifically, it examines the core narratives employed by the Georgian and Armenian revolution leaders Mikheil Saakashvili and Nikol Pashinyan in constructing the political identities of “New Georgia” and “New Armenia.” The findings suggest that the core narratives dominating Saakashvili’s discourse on post-revolution Georgia are as follows: “democratic Georgia” and “laboratory of democratic reforms,” “stereotype breaker,” “European Georgia,” “peaceful Georgia,” “powerful Georgia” and “security contributor,” determined to homecoming to Europe. Pashinyan’s discourse has revolved around the notion of “proud Armenians,” who established “people’s government” capable of carrying out an “economic revolution.” In contrast to Saakashvili’s emphasis on escaping post-Soviet geopolitical space and gaining centrality in the EU-driven socio-political order, Pashinyan’s discourse does not suggest foreign policy U-turns. It concludes that while the 2003 “Rose Revolution” marked fundamental shifts in self-other conceptions within the Georgian political discourse, the post-revolution Armenian discourse has not experienced dramatic identity-driven transformations.


Author(s):  
Thomas Barfield

This introductory chapter discusses an anthropological approach to examining political order in Afghanistan. Rather than casting the nation in the context of war and conquerors, this chapter views the Afghans themselves as the main players to understand the country and its political dynamics. It examines the question of how rulers in Afghanistan obtained political legitimacy over the centuries and brought order to the land, particularly through looking at how notions of power and political legitimacy in Afghanistan change over a long period of time. The chapter lays out the groundwork for a more detailed discussion on these concepts by introducing the themes and theoretical framework underpinning the book's overall arguments.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-136
Author(s):  
Erin Graff Zivin

“The Aesthetics and Politics of Error,” analyzes “error” as a defective, erroneous political concept through literature (César Aira’s 2010 novel El error), critical theory (Paul de Man’s Blindness and Insight), and political discourse (the theatrical actions of the Internacional Errorista).


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin J. Thorpe

‘Eurafrica’, the continental-scale fusion of Europe and Africa into one political entity, was first developed as a political concept in the 1920s by the Pan-European Union, and named as such in a 1929 article by its founder and leader Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. Within five years, this neologism had become a commonplace, as Eurafrica exploded across public political discourse. This paper unpacks what Eurafrica entailed in its original expression, what made it a useful concept for the Pan-European Union to employ, and what made it so appealing to a wider (European) public. It does so with particular reference to the way in which Eurafrica was presented as a means of opening up colonialism to those European states that lacked their own colonies. Partly, this meant appealing to German colonialists resentful at the stripping of Germany’s colonies at Versailles. Crucially, however, it also meant appealing to the broader ‘historical injustices’ that meant that Central European countries did not have access to colonies, and promising a future in which these intra-European ‘injustices’ could be transcended and Central Europeans could thus become equal partners in Europe’s mission civilisatrice in Africa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Irham Fathiyyah Shulha

The study of looking for a good educational format in a multicultural country like Indonesia will continue to be interesting, because it will experience a number of challenges to be faced. In addition to the challenges of multicultural education in terms of concepts, challenges will also arise in the perspective of the Siyasah Jurisprudence which is interpreted in the Islamic political order because in Indonesia the majority of the population is Muslim. This scientific work aims to answer the problem formulation of the challenges of multicultural education both in terms of concepts and from the point of view of pandanus fiqh siyasah (Islamic politics). The method used in this research is a descriptive research library with a rationalistic qualitative research analysis. The challenge of multicultural education will be the rejection of a group of Muslims who have not fully understood the meaning of multiculturalism. They think that the concept of Multicultural Education that has been initiated is wrong. In the viewpoint of fiqh siyasah, the challenge of multicultural education is in terms of regulations that have no specific (specific) legal umbrella governing the concept of multicultural education oriented to Maqoshidu As-Syari'ah.


2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven C. Roach

International legal scholars and political scientists have devised many alternative proposals to legalize politically legitimized humanitarian interventions. While many of these alternative legal mechanisms have addressed the limits to the UN Charter and the political and economic consequences of intervention, they also have exposed the need for more theoretical analysis of the shift in political responsibilities and decision making from the state to international level. In this article, I draw on Carl Schmitt's theory of decisionism in order to understand the legitimacy and political dynamics of global decisionism. I argue that more theoretical analysis of the political substance of global authority is needed in order to understand the revolutionary content of a human rights enforcement regime.


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