structural conflict
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2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 402-436
Author(s):  
José Luis Blas Arroyo

Abstract Based on the existence of some structural conflict between Spanish and Catalan in certain points of the syntax, this study tests the hypothesis about the influence of the latter on the distribution of queísmo uses (‘Me alegro que vengas’ [‘I’m glad you come’]) in the Spanish spoken in an eastern peninsular variety in contact with Catalan. Using the tools of comparative sociolinguistics, and the analysis of three corpora of contemporary Spanish, the study exhaustively examines the conditioning of this variable. The starting hypothesis is that the influence of the contact can be inferred from the comparison between different magnitudes derived from a multivariable statistical analysis. In addition to several linguistic and extra-linguistic predictors previously analysed in the literature, we also take into account other factor groups that may be particularly informative about that potential influence. Thus, from a structural point of view, we consider the contrast between: a) conjunctive queísmo in verbal structures, in which the structural conflict with Spanish is more evident (‘me acuerdo (de) que vino con su mujer/em recorde Ø que va vindre amb la seua dona’ [‘I remember that he came with his wife’]; and b) pronominal queísmo in relative sentences, in which the coincidence between both languages is greater (‘el día (en) que nos conocimos / el día (en) què ens vam conéixer’). From an extralinguistic perspective, the incidence of two additional factors is also examined: a) the speech community (without contact (Madrid/Alcalá) vs. in contact (Castellón), and b) the main language of the speakers (Spanish/Catalan-Valencian). The results of several mixed-effect regression analyses performed do not support the hypothesis of contact. The distributional differences between the above-mentioned groups are minimal, and in no case significant. On the other hand, the variation is basically affected by the same structural and non-structural predictors, regardless of the speech community or the ethnolinguistic group examined. Even the few divergences that are observed point in a direction contrary to that expected by the contact hypothesis. The study concludes with some potential explanations about these results and the contrast with other cases of syntactic convergence with Catalan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Dewi Analis Indriyani ◽  
Zaihan Harmaen Anggayudha

The Democratic Party dispute raises the view that there is dualism within the Democratic Party. The issue of the Democratic Party Leadership Takeover Movement (GPKPD) led to the dismissal of several of its cadres. The dispute escalated with the holding of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) in Deli Serdang on March 5, 2021. One of the things which triggered the holding of the KLB by the opposition was the management of Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY). Apart from being seen as not agreeing with Article 83 paragraph (2) letter b in the 2020 Democratic Party's Articles of Association and Bylaws, the validity of the AHY management along with the preparation of the Articles of Association and Bylaws in 2020 was also questioned by several cadres. In addition, the political dynasty by the Cikeas family was also highlighted. This Democrat Party dispute becomes more interesting to study because the AHY opposition's KLB involves an external party who is a state official. This article is socio-legal study that was carried out textually and critically to laws and regulations and policies. The undemocratic management and election of the general chairman in providing opportunities for other cadres to compete in a transparent and fair manner created internal turmoil that led to the dismissal of several cadres. There are anomalies within the Democratic Party with the increasingly clear Democratic Party as a dynastic party, undemocratic KLB arrangements, to the implementation of KLB which is a structural conflict of the Democratic Party with non-structural collectives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 83-86
Author(s):  
A.P. Ryazantsev ◽  

Analyzed are problems of socio-economic inequality and its connection with structural conflicts, which are expressed in actions of a number of social movements (anti-globalists, alter-globalists, anarchists, etc.). Theoretical analysis of socio-economic inequality based on specific cases related to these social movements leads to the following conclusions: internal conflict of one individual with the state, it’s policies and associated low standard of living gives the individual an incentive to search for like-minded people. Such groups of like-minded people can become the basis for entire organizations, and social movements and demonstrations, which most often lead to massive outbursts of violence. The internal conflict of the individual turns into an external conflict of the masses, which is a direct consequence of the structural conflict arising from the uneven distribution of economic benefits in the social structure of society, the high level of socio-economic inequality and social injustice, which becomes the main cause of social tension.


Author(s):  
Mi Zhou ◽  
Shan-Shan Zhu ◽  
Yu-Wang Chen ◽  
Jian Wu ◽  
Enrique Herrera-Viedma

Author(s):  
Cornelia Navari

The English School has made three contributions to the science of peaceful change: the inevitable conflict of order and justice; the necessity of Great Power management of peaceful change; and regional orders as the locus of peaceful change. The first refers to a structural conflict between state sovereignty and human rights and also serves as the parameters of a discourse on ethical possibilities among sovereign states. The second—the requirement of Great Power management—is both an observation on the course of history and a structural determinant, arising from the gross inequalities among states. The third—the notion that regional international societies can be peacemakers—is not unique to the English School. Its contribution is that any region can be a form of international society with its own distinctive rules and adjudicative procedures, and that accordingly, any region is potentially able to become a “security community.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (5) ◽  
pp. 839-874
Author(s):  
Michael J. Diamond

Psychoanalytic treatment is often indicated when trauma and its psyche/soma companion, dissociation, severely disrupt symbolic functioning and associative linking. After Freud’s initial thinking on these matters, repression replaced rather than supplemented dissociation (which occasions segregating units of experience) as the primary defensive response to severe trauma. Because psychoanalysis had “repressed” the salience of dissociation as actively motivated (though passively experienced), an unnecessary schism has occurred between trauma theories and mainstream North American psychoanalysis, and within psychoanalysis itself. To fully restore dissociation’s role in primitive mental states and provide a more integrated approach to technique, it is necessary to comprehend the triadic nature of trauma, which entails economic/drive, structural conflict and deficit, and object-relational factors. For a treatment model that addresses defensive dissociation in the here and now, primary and secondary dissociation must be distinguished, with each differentiated from splitting and repression. Technique requires addressing unconscious, repressed fantasies associated with the “trauma,” object-relational patterns that interfere with linking, and psycho-economic issues that have disrupted ego functioning. A clinical example illustrates both the analyst’s persistence in suffering the dead, eerie space of dissociated trauma and efforts to find language that helps structure the patient’s somatic and enacted expressions (and accompanying dissociative and repressive processes) by which traumatic experiences are registered and conveyed.


Author(s):  
Todd Butler

This chapter explores how, with growing royal demands for the expeditious provision of financial and military support, time increasingly became an index of power in Caroline England. It begins with how in 1625 and 1626 disputes over royal finances became increasingly subsumed into a structural conflict between king and the Commons over deliberative prerogatives. This political conflict is modeled in Philip Massinger’s The Roman Actor, which uses disputes over the temporal dimensions of political intellection to detail the limits of both theatrical efficacy and royal authority in Caroline England. The result is a play that rejects the immediacy of tyrannical authority in favor of a conceptualization of both theatrical and political power whose emphasis on delay yields a dynamic that is fundamentally collaborative rather than imperial.


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