scholarly journals Political Party Coup: Anomalies within the Democratic Party

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Dewi Analis Indriyani ◽  
Zaihan Harmaen Anggayudha

The Democratic Party dispute raises the view that there is dualism within the Democratic Party. The issue of the Democratic Party Leadership Takeover Movement (GPKPD) led to the dismissal of several of its cadres. The dispute escalated with the holding of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) in Deli Serdang on March 5, 2021. One of the things which triggered the holding of the KLB by the opposition was the management of Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY). Apart from being seen as not agreeing with Article 83 paragraph (2) letter b in the 2020 Democratic Party's Articles of Association and Bylaws, the validity of the AHY management along with the preparation of the Articles of Association and Bylaws in 2020 was also questioned by several cadres. In addition, the political dynasty by the Cikeas family was also highlighted. This Democrat Party dispute becomes more interesting to study because the AHY opposition's KLB involves an external party who is a state official. This article is socio-legal study that was carried out textually and critically to laws and regulations and policies. The undemocratic management and election of the general chairman in providing opportunities for other cadres to compete in a transparent and fair manner created internal turmoil that led to the dismissal of several cadres. There are anomalies within the Democratic Party with the increasingly clear Democratic Party as a dynastic party, undemocratic KLB arrangements, to the implementation of KLB which is a structural conflict of the Democratic Party with non-structural collectives.

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-112
Author(s):  
Abd. Rais Asmar

The success of the performance of the political recruitment function by Political Parties departs from its cadre mechanism. This is supported by the regeneration of a good and responsible wing organization of political parties. This study aims to determine legal problems related to the function of the wing organization of political parties. The type of research in this writing is normative legal research, with a statutory approach and a literature approach. This research examines the laws and regulations on political parties and related legal norms. The data used are secondary data consisting of primary and secondary legal materials. Primary legal materials are in the form of Law Number 2 of 2008 concerning Political Parties, while secondary legal materials are in the form of books, journals and articles related to the topic of the problem. The results showed that there were still several problems, such as the lack of rules governing the Organization of the Political Party Wing and the activities of cadres related to their location and background.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-41
Author(s):  
Michael E. Meagher ◽  

This essay explores the 2016 election using 1964 for comparison. The central theme is that 1964 set the context for subsequent presidential elections. Issues and public policy revolved around the standards set by the 1964 converting election. Both race and religion played a role in the 1964 converting election that redefined the Democratic Party as the liberal political party for the nation, and the Republican as its conservative counterpart. This established a political regime that endures until the present day, but its endurance has had deleterious consequences for the discussion of new proposals. Change happens slowly and piecemeal. Both parties maintain high levels of spending as politics has been reduced to administration, a technocracy rather than representative democracy. The resulting pressures and frustrations manifest themselves with increasing frequency in the political system. The tumultuous 2016 campaign is the latest manifestation of this dissatisfaction among voters. Given the peculiarities of 2016, are we on the verge of a historic realignment, one that may set a similar standard for a generation?


Significance The incumbent president, Almazbek Atambayev, is stepping aside as his single term is expiring. Jeenbekov is a strong contender as he comes from the president's Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), but other leading politicians have reasonable chances in the October polls. Impacts This will be only the second democratic handover of presidential power anywhere in Central Asia; Atambayev's 2011 election was the first. The SDPK has presided over politics since 2010 but its continued dominance is less certain, although it is adept at coalition-building. Signs of fractures in SDPK and Ata-Jurt point to shifts in the political party landscape, affecting the parliamentary process.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gili Argenti

In the New Order era (Orde Baru), the end of the 1970s until the early 1990s, the student movement is faced with repressive measures, a policy of limiting the political activities of students applied, then the search for a new format motion is a must. The study group is an option to avoid the political power. In the expansion, the study group turns into a political party, the People’s Democratic Party (PRD). The emergence of the PRD as an opposition party to the New Order Indonesian political public attention, because of their political program is so radical. Also, the communist stigma attached by the government to the party’s young people reap the reaction of pro and cons in the community. After the collapse of the New Order, PRD became an electoral party but failed to reap the support of voters. This paper describes the process of changing the format of the student movement of the 1990s, from the study group into action committees, later became a political party, in this paper also described the political progress of PRD in the reform era. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 695
Author(s):  
Bayu Dwi Anggono

Penerapan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum bangsa Indonesia dan sekaligus sumber segala sumber hukum negara masih menghadapi sejumlah permasalahan salah satunya kemauan politik pembentuk peraturan perundang-undangan yang merupakan anggota Partai politik. Akibat pembentukan yang tidak bersumber pada Pancasila maka peraturan perundang-undangan yang diberlakukan di pusat maupun daerah menimbulkan permasalahan. Permasalahan yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini mengenai cara meningkatkan peran partai politik untuk mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan kepada nilai-nilai Pancasila. Metode pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah dengan pendekatan konseptual, dengan mendasarkan pada kedudukan Pancasila sebagai cita hukum, serta fungsi partai politik dalam negara demokratis. Temuan yang didapat yaitu fungsi legislasi sering dikesampingkan dibanding fungsi pengawasan dan anggaran, politik mayoritas menjadi dasar pemikiran para pembuat peraturan perundang-undangan dan bukan ukuran ideologi atau konstitusional, pragmatisme perekrutan calon anggota parlemen, serta adanya perilaku korupsi legislasi. Untuk meningkatkan peran partai politik mewujudkan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berdasarkan pada Pancasila dapat dilakukan dengan cara mewajibkan Parpol di semua tingkatan menyusun desain politik legislasi dalam masa kampanye Pemilu, kepengurusan Parpol dibagi ke dalam 3 (tiga) komponen salah satunya calon anggota lembaga perwakilan, ketegasan Parpol untuk menarik atau mengganti anggotanya di lembaga perwakilan yang lalai dalam menjalankan politik legislasi Pancasila, memasukkan kurikulum pendidikan Pancasila dalam pengkaderan anggota Parpol secara berjenjang dan berkelanjutan, dan negara segera membuat panduan atau pedoman sebagai dokumen resmi dalam menafsirkan dan memahami sila-sila Pancasila.The application of Pancasila as the legal idealsm of the Indonesia and as the source of all legal sources still dealing with some problems, one of which were the political will of laws and regulations maker which are the members of political parties. As a result of the formation that does not originate from Pancasila, the laws and regulations that are enforced at the central and regional levels cause problems. The issues discussed in this paper are about how to increase the role of political parties to refine laws and regulations based on Pancasila values. The method of approach used in this paper is a conceptual approach, based on the standing of the Pancasila as a legal idealism, as well as the function of political parties in a democratic country. The findings obtained are that the legislative function is often ruled out compared to the controlling and budgeting functions, political majorities become the rationale for legislators and not ideological or constitutional measures, pragmatism for recruiting parliament candidates, and the existence of corrupt behaviour in the legislation. To increase the role of political parties in refining laws and regulations based on Pancasila can be done by requiring the political parties at all levels to construct political legislation design in the election campaign period, management of political parties are divided into three (3) components one of which members of the legislature candidate, the firmness of political parties to withdraw or change the members in the legislature that fail to implement the Pancasila political legislation, including the Pancasila education curriculum in the cadre of political party members gradually and continuously, and the state immediately made guidelines as official documents in interpreting and understanding the Pancasila principles.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Cahyo Susilo

This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.


1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 940-957
Author(s):  
Kenneth E. Colton

In normal times and as to normal countries, the study of the continuity of political party life would be of interest mainly to the political scientist. But these are not normal times, and Japan today is not a normal country. In 1948, the subject holds far more than academic interest, and it is intimately affected by the supervision of Japanese administration by the Allied Powers.Allied policy affecting the continuity of political influence is shown in the famed “purge directive” of January 4, 1946, known as SCAPIN 550, “The Removal and Exclusion of Undesirable Personnel from Public Office.” This article, however, is not concerned with that directive but with the character of the pre-war political influence that remains after the purge has cut out affected elements. It is concerned with the element of pre-war political leadership present in the founding of the two major postwar conservative parties, the effect of the purge directive upon their leadership, their organizational and institutional character, the political influence of governmental bureaucracies, and the problem of party finance. Finally, attention is given to the possibility of a merger of the prewar elements into one post-war organization.The two conservative parties contending for political supremacy today are the Democratic-Liberal party (Minshu Jiyu-to), and the Democratic party (Minshuto), respectively the direct lineal descendants of the Liberal party (Jiyuto) and the Progressive party (Shimpoto), both of which were organized in November, 1945.


2020 ◽  
pp. 205789112090590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hawre Hasan Hama

The Change Movement, also known in Kurdish as Gorran, was founded in 2009 to address the political demands of some parts of the public in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) for political and economic reform. Corruption, lack of transparency in government and financial affairs revenue and expenditure, the lack of legitimate and effective institutions, the existence of political party interference in all sectors of society, and the power-sharing agreement between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) had all contributed to widespread feelings of discontent among members of the public. Gorran took advantage of these feelings of disenfranchisement to demand a complete change in the political structure that had been built by the KDP and the PUK in the Region. Using this message, Gorran’s first election as an organized party in 2009 saw it become the second biggest political force in the Kurdistan Region and the biggest political party in the PUK’s traditional stronghold in Sulaymaniyah and the Garmian area. This research divides the Gorran Movement’s performance and effectiveness into three primary stages: (1) the opposition stage, which can be described as Gorran’s golden period; (2) the government participation stage after 2013, which can be described as the Movement’s period of weakness; and (3) the post-Nawshirwan Mustafa stage, which can be described as the Gorran Movement’s period of political exhaustion. The central argument of this research is that the Gorran Movement’s fundamental problem is that it became a part of the very structure that it had for many years campaigned against and is no longer a catalyst for reform.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962094154
Author(s):  
Hawre Hasan Hama ◽  
Farhad hassan abdullah

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq has a multi-party system which has been held up as a model for democratic pluralism in the whole region. The nature of Kurdistan’s political parties is strongly related to the position of Kurds in Iraq. From the mid-twentieth century, the dominant Kurdish political party in Iraq was the Kurdistan Democratic Party; in a later partisan split the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan was born. Moreover, in the last three decades other political parties have come into being, which have all influenced the characteristics of Iraqi Kurdistan’s political system. This paper’s main argument is that Iraqi Kurdistan shares many of the characteristics of its main political parties, including reliance on charismatic leadership, a focus on nationalism, and the lack of transparency. This paper analyzes the primary characteristics of the Kurdish political parties and their influence on the institutional functions of the political system in the Kurdistan Region.


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