THE MEDICAL CHARMS: SEARCH FOR UNIVERSALS IN THEGENRE (BASED ON SLAVONIC AND KORYAK MATERIALS OF MEDICAL CHARMS)

В статье представлены результаты сопоставительного анализа заговорных лечебных текстов двух генетически не связанных этнических традиций, взаимовлияние между которыми минимально (славянской и корякской). В ходе анализа был использован сравнительно-типологический метод, предполагающий выявление типологически сходных явлений на базе сопоставления разнородного эмпирического материала. Заговорная традиция коренных народов Дальнего Востока является одной из наименее разработанных сфер фольклористического исследования. В то же время обширность фонда опубликованных славянских заговоров позволяет привлекать их в качестве сравнительного материала для выявления типологически сходных явлений. Единой структуры заговорного текста, в равной степени присущего разным этническим культурам, не существует, однако наблюдаются некоторые схождения в области мотивного состава. Текст заговора моделирует ситуацию с участием сакрального персонажа, актуального для национальной традиционной культуры. В рамках сюжета лечебного заговора сакральному персонажу соответствует функция помощника-целителя, избавителя от болезни. Универсальным является мотив пути сакрального персонажа или знахаря. Данный мотив не только является сюжетообразующим для целого ряда заговорных текстов, но и предстает в качестве инициирующего посыла произнесения лечебного заговора и совершения магического исцеляющего ритуала. Применение заговора требует от целителя особого ментального состояния, которое в тексте символически изображается как пересечение пространства, т. е. путь. К универсальным можно отнести и мотив изгнания болезни, в основе которого лежит древнейшее представление о болезни как персонифицированной сущности. Для традиционного знахарства характерна апелляция к суточному временно му циклу. В частности, время рассвета предстает как время исцеляющее, в связи с чем в разных этнических традициях существует практика произнесения текста и совершения ритуала во время утренней зари. Независимо от этнической специфики текстов, для знахарской практики характерна вера в магическое средство, при этом особую роль играют элементы животной природы (например, зубы зверя). Восприятие звериного начала как магического свидетельствует о мифологической основе формирования данных мотивов, отголоски которой проявляются до настоящего времени в традиционных лечебных заговорах разных этнических культур. In this paper comparative analyses of therapeutic charms recorded from such ethical groups as Koryaks and Slavonic people are represented. Interaction between these groups (Koryaks and Slavonians) was minimal and they unrated genetically. During analysis comparative-typological method enabled to find similar typological phenomenon while comparing different empirical material. In folkloristic research charm traditions of native people from Far East is relatively poorly studied. At the same time Slavonic charm tradition has substantial background, which allows to use it as comparative material to find typologically similarities. There is no uniform structure of the charm text in different cultures, though some overlaps in the motives can be found in texts. In the charm text modulation of the situation with sacral character has a place but the character is specific for the traditional culture. In the plot of therapeutic charms, the sacral character has a function of healer who helps fight diseases. The route motive of the healer is universal. This motive is not only plot-forming for several charm texts, but also represents the initial point of the spell and magical healing ritual. The use of the spell requires special mental condition of the healer which is symbolized in the texts as a path, space crossing. The motive of disease banishment is also universal. The roots of this can be found in ancient representation of disease as an evil creature. Another characteristic feature of traditional healing process is appeal to daily circles. In particular, the sunrise id represented as healing time. Due to this concept in many ethnical tradition’s spells are pronounced and rituals are held during the sunrise. Despite ethnical tradition belief in magical healing agent is characteristic. Notably, elements of the fauna, teeth for example, are believed to have special power. The believe of the animal beginnings being equal to magical ones shows mythological basis for these motives. Even nowadays pieces of this mythological basis can be found in healing charms of different cultures.

BRIDGING TO ANOTHER DIMENSION: THE RELATIONAL SYSTEM OF SHAMANISM AND RELIGIOUS ENCOUNTER AMONGST THE TEMIAR SENOI OF MALAYA

This paper aims at finding the relational system, religious encounter, and modernity of the Temiar community in Malaysia. The form of this research has focused on literature research (library research) by using literature as a source of research. The method used is an analysis of documents by conducting content analysis. This within-case analysis is followed by a thematic analysis across the case. The data patterns emerging from the within-case and cross-case analysis of theme, the information of Temiar’s world view is compared from several documents. Having discussed the relational systems in shamanic society and religious encounters and modernity amongst Temiar, this paper concludes that: Firstly. Shaman creates the cultural experience in the inter-subjective space of the ritual as the flow of the spirit guide through the healing ritual. The shaman is the spirit medium, a person who can receive songs from the spirit guide during dreams. Secondly, singing and dancing is an activity that in itself bridges the gulf between the physical world and the metaphysical. Thirdly, Temiars have begun to incorporate representations of varying spirit entities associated with religious conversion and modernization into their cosmology.

RITUAL PERUBATAN TRADISIONAL ETNIK BAJAU DI SABAH: ANALISIS DARI PERSPEKTIF HUKUM ISLAM

Masyarakat Bajau merupakan salah satu etnik yang terbesar di Sabah. Majoritinya adalah beragama Islam. Mereka boleh diklasifikasikan kepada dua kelompok, iaitu etnik Bajau dari pantai timur dan etnik Bajau dari pantai barat Sabah. Masyarakat Bajau kaya dengan pelbagai khazanah warisan silam, sama ada dalam bentuk kebendaan mahupun bukan kebendaan. Oleh itu, kajian ini bertujuan untuk mendokumentasikan ritual perubatan tradisional etnik Bajau di Sabah menurut perspektif Islam sama ada selari dengan tuntutan syariat Islam ataupun sebaliknya. Kajian ini berfokus kepada ritual perubatan tradisional magombo’ bagi etnik Bajau dari pantai timur dan ritual ngalai untuk etnik Bajau dari pantai barat Sabah. Populasi kajian terdiri daripada etnik Bajau yang terletak di Semporna dan Kota Belud. Pemilihan kawasan kajian ini adalah kerana majoriti etnik Bajau mendiami kawasan berkenaan. Pendekatan kualitatif dengan kaedah pemerhatian, temu bual dan dokumentasi telah digunakan untuk kajian ini. Hasil kajian mendapati bahawa dalam ritual perubatan tradisional magombo’ dan ngalai, terdapat elemen-elemen yang bercanggah dengan hukum Islam yang menyebabkan ritual perubatan tradisional ini termasuk dalam kategori ‘urf fasid dalam hukum Islam. The Bajau is among the largest ethnic groups in Sabah. Most Bajau are Muslims. They can be classified into two different groups namely the Bajau ethnic group from the east coast and west coast of Sabah. They possess a myriad of materials and non-materials from their ancient heritage. Hence, this study aims to document the traditional healing ritual among the Bajau ethnic and analyze whether the rituals are Syariah-compliant. The focus of the study was based on the ‘magombo’ healing rituals of the Bajau from the east coast and the ‘ngalai” healing rituals of the Bajau from the west coast of Sabah. The population of this study included the Bajau ethnic residing in Semporna and Kota Belud. These areas were chosen because they consist of a majority of Bajau ethnic. A qualitative approach using observation, interview and documentation methods were adopted for data collection. The findings revealed that the ‘magombo’ and ‘ngalai’ traditional healing rituals are non-Syariah compliant and fall under the ‘urf fasid’ category.

Momago

When humans experience various difficulties in life, including illness, then they will try to find a cure for the disease, through medical treatment, then traditional treatment after being unsuccessful with medical treatment. But there are also those who directly use traditional medicine in accordance with local beliefs. This article explores beliefs and cultural practices of tau taa wana in the treatment of diseases through momago, a traditional ritual healing practiced in Uempanapa Village. This study was conducted in Uempanapa Village, Bungku Utara Subdistrict, North Morowali District, considering that tau ta'a wana (ta'a wana people) in this village still practices momago (a healing ritual) which is commonly held once a year. Using qualitative approach, data was collected using in-depth interview and observation techniques. Eleven participants involved in this study, they are varied on the basis of sex (eight men, and three women), age (between 42 and 72 years), and position [three shamans (dukun), a drum beat (to paganda), a gong drummer (to myingko gong), a dancer (to motaro), patient (to ongoyo), and three patients’ family (to mongoyo). Momago is a traditional healing ritual using supernatural power mediated by shamans (walia). This healing ritual is based on a belief in supernatural beings that are considered to play role in causing various diseases. Momago is practiced by tau taa wana and this is not only practiced when there are calls from residents to treat their sick relatives, but they are also often performed at large events such as the reception of important guests, cultural arts festivals, and so forth. They believe that patients will recover after ancestral spirits entering one’s body. In this healing ritual, tau taa wana is carried out by utilizing supernatural power, through which walia repeatedly calls the spirit. This healing ritual is usually carried out at night and takes up to three weeks, depending on the type of disease and the number of patients. The types of diseases that are cured through momago include witchcraft (fofongontau/doti), trance (pasuak), rebuke (katrapes), crazy (fando) and drowning (mlondong), kinds of illnesses which believed to be personalistic diseases. It is also believed that the success of a ritual is marked by the number of momago participants who have possessed spirits, the more they are, the more successful the treatment has been. Although not all diseases can be cured through momago, and not all sick people treated through momago can recover from their illness, momago is still practiced because it has become a hereditary tradition from their ancestors and/or because of the requests from patients’ family.

Animism is Applied Ethnobotany: A Shamanic Healing Ritual with the Dayak Benuaq Ohookng / East Kalimantan

The Dayak Benuaq Ohookng people believe in many and diverse territorial ghosts/spirits (wook) who exist in the environment, some of which have the power to remove the soul (juus) of a human body part or organ and, at the same time, implant disease. Consequently, this body part or organ gets sick. The mission of the shamans (pembeliatn), as mediums to the spiritual world, is to identify the ghost/spirit responsible during nocturnal rituals and to submit all of the diverse ritual offerings possible, including making an exchange of a “soul” (kelakar) made from ironwood (Eusideroxylon zwageri). To get rid of the disease, the patient smears some of his/her own saliva onto a carved statue (sepatukng silih), depicting the ghost/spirit concerned, after the shaman activated it. Later, this statue is taken to the forest. The shaman can also extract the disease from the sick body part by help of a thinly spliced banana leaf (telolo). The disease can also be attached to the statue or put into the blood of sacrificial animals. In order to finally find and identify the lost soul of the patient’s sick body part, the shaman performs a vigorous dance and then falls into a trance, during which he receives a message about where to catch the soul. To discover the soul and capture it, he uses a bamboo stick filled with boiled rice (tolakng tintikng). The captured soul is then massaged into the sick body part of the patient. To perform this ritual, a great number of traditional and institutionalized plants are essential. They are arranged around the altar (balai sianca jadi) and used for ritual objects. White rice and rice colored with black, red, yellow and green dyes plays an important role in attracting and satisfying the ghosts.

Iranian Belief Narratives and Verbal Charms. A Preliminary Survey

The role of charms in Iranian belief narratives remains largely unexplored. Hereby, I attempt a preliminary survey. First, I examine the text of the Iranian national epic, the Shahname of Ferdowsi (X–XI century A.D.), in which the word afsun denotes charm or magic spell. In contemporary folktale texts (I mainly rely on the voluminous Dictionary of Iranian Folktales), an Arabic loan-word verd (which also means a kind of prayer) is used to mean a charm which facilitates supernatural results such as shape-shifting, transformation or miraculous healing. Ritual prayer (namaz) and supplication (do’a) also function as charms in folk narratives. I also give a brief overview of the Iranian folklore scholarship.