Impact of Pre and Post Variant Filtration Strategies on Imputation

Quality control methods for genome-wide association studies and fine mapping are commonly used for imputation, however, they result in loss of many single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). To investigate the consequences of filtration on imputation, we studied the direct effects on the number of markers, their allele frequencies, imputation quality scores and post-filtration events. We pre-phrased 1,031 genotyped individuals from diverse ethnicities and compared the imputed variants to 1,089 NCBI recorded individuals for additional validation.Without variant pre-filtration based on quality control (QC), we observed no impairment in the imputation of SNPs that failed QC whereas with pre-filtration there was an overall loss of information. Significant differences between frequencies with and without pre-filtration were found only in the range of very rare (5E-04-1E-03) and rare variants (1E-03-5E-03) (p < 1E-04). Increasing the post-filtration imputation quality score from 0.3 to 0.8 reduced the number of single nucleotide variants (SNVs) <0.001 2.5 fold with or without QC pre-filtration and halved the number of very rare variants (5E-04). As a result, to maintain confidence and enough SNVs, we propose here a 2-step post-filtration approach to increase the number of very rare and rare variants compared to conservative post-filtration methods.

Analyzing Habermas: Conservative Post-Marxism and New Model of Social Development

The article is dedicated to J. Habermas' 90th birthday and to analysis of his contribution to sociological theorizing with special focus on his conception of the modern society development. The neo-Marxist and post-Marxist phases in his intellectual career have been characterized. Habermas' integrative paradigm and his two-level theory of society are interpreted as a new perspective on goals and indicators of social development. Being presented as foundations of sociality, communicative rationality and communicative action correspond to current processes of social development, but in Habermas' theory they are used to deter social changes and to defend values and institutions of the previous centuries. from the past. Conception of the life-world defense against the system expansion is a kind of conservative utopia. Under today's virtualization and postvirtualization conditions the life-world is not conservative reality of everyday routine but augmented reality constructed by creative and mobile communications and supported by network and flow structures. In such augmented social reality, communicative action creates meanings, symbolic structures legitimating purposive-rational action and the system.

Ladies, Gentlemen and Guys: The Gender Politics of Politeness

Are there ladies and gentlemen in the 21st century? Do we need them? In the 20th century, lady became particularly unpopular with second wave feminists, who preferred ‘woman’. Gentleman was seen as similarly politically incorrect: class, race and culture bound. Following previous research on the word lady, we explore here some current evocations and debates around these words. We consider how the more casual, etymologically gendered term ‘guy’ has been utilized for men and women, and how it functions to reflect and obscure gender. While the return of the lady might be considered a consumer fad, a neo-conservative post-feminist backlash, or nostalgia for an elite ‘polite society’, it also offers an opportunity for a deeper discussion about civility as part of a broader conversation that is gaining impetus in the Western world. Politeness is personal and political. Whilst evidence for a comeback of the gentleman is limited, we critically consider the re-emergence of the lady as reflecting a deeper desire for applied sexual and social ethics. Such gender ethics have global, social and cultural ramifications that we ought not to underestimate. The desire for a culture of civility is gaining momentum as we are increasingly confronted with the violent consequences of a culture without it.

Standard Lattice-Based Key Encapsulation on Embedded Devices

Lattice-based cryptography is one of the most promising candidates being considered to replace current public-key systems in the era of quantum computing. In 2016, Bos et al. proposed the key exchange scheme FrodoCCS, that is also a submission to the NIST post-quantum standardization process, modified as a key encapsulation mechanism (FrodoKEM). The security of the scheme is based on standard lattices and the learning with errors problem. Due to the large parameters, standard latticebased schemes have long been considered impractical on embedded devices. The FrodoKEM proposal actually comes with parameters that bring standard lattice-based cryptography within reach of being feasible on constrained devices. In this work, we take the final step of efficiently implementing the scheme on a low-cost FPGA and microcontroller devices and thus making conservative post-quantum cryptography practical on small devices. Our FPGA implementation of the decapsulation (the computationally most expensive operation) needs 7,220 look-up tables (LUTs), 3,549 flip-flops (FFs), a single DSP, and only 16 block RAM modules. The maximum clock frequency is 162 MHz and it takes 20.7 ms for the execution of the decapsulation. Our microcontroller implementation has a 66% reduced peak stack usage in comparison to the reference implementation and needs 266 ms for key pair generation, 284 ms for encapsulation, and 286 ms for decapsulation. Our results contribute to the practical evaluation of a post-quantum standardization candidate.

Exposure to Opposing Views can Increase Political Polarization: Evidence from a Large-Scale Field Experiment on Social Media

There is mounting concern that social media sites contribute to political polarization by creating "echo chambers" that insulate people from opposing views about current events. We surveyed a large sample of Democrats and Republicans who visit Twitter at least three times each week about a range of social policy issues. One week later, we randomly assigned respondents to a treatment condition in which they were offered financial incentives to follow a Twitter bot for one month that exposed them to messages produced by elected officials, organizations, and other opinion leaders with opposing political ideologies. Respondents were re-surveyed at the end of the month to measure the effect of this treatment, and at regular intervals throughout the study period to monitor treatment compliance. We find that Republicans who followed a liberal Twitter bot became substantially more conservative post-treatment, and Democrats who followed a conservative Twitter bot became slightly more liberal post-treatment. These findings have important implications for the interdisciplinary literature on political polarization as well as the emerging field of computational social science.