Features and Functions of Sŏnwŏnjŏn of the Late Chosŏn Period Reflected in Ritual Foods and Vessels, Interior Setting, and the Enshrined Portraits

Sŏnwŏnjŏn (璿源殿, Hall of Jade Source) stands out from other royal portrait halls within the late Chosŏn period on account of its unofficiality. This comes through in its rites, ritual foods and vessels, interior setting, and the enshrined portraits. Sŏnwŏnjŏn was an informal sacred hall where royal family members could personally present offerings and worship before portraits of late Chosŏn kings in the inner court. Birthday tea rituals (誕辰茶禮), which drew on non-Confucian traditions, were established as the representative rite of this hall. Unlike many other ritual halls at the time, these tea rituals often featured the active participation of royal women including queen dowagers and royal consorts. From the preparation of rituals to acts of veneration, they played an active role. This stands in stark contrast to the rites of Yŏnghŭijŏn (永禧殿, Hall of Eternal Happiness), the representative official portrait hall of late Chosŏn, which were always performed by male officials. Yŏnghŭijŏn primarily used oil-and-honey pastries (油蜜菓) and brass vessels for the offering tables. Conversely, Sŏnwŏnjŏn presented vessels made from the most luxurious materials of the time, such as silver, gold, and even jade. The vessels included delicacies comprised of various kinds of meat and fish dishes for the tea rituals. Objects originally produced for the king’s use in life were also incorporated into Sŏnwŏnjŏn rites. In sum, the ritual foods and vessels for tea rituals echoed the table setting for a king in the inner banquet (內進饌) to commemorate his birthday. The rites as well as the ritual foods and vessels of Sŏnwŏnjŏn seem to have followed the tea rituals of a spirit hall, in which a deceased king’s spirit tablet was enshrined for about two years and royal family members could serve as if the late king was alive. The physical environment of a chamber at Sŏnwŏnjŏn mimicked the interior setting of a spirit hall, and consisted of a baldachin, a three-sided Five Peak screen, a royal bed, and a set of four-panel peony paintings. This interior differs from one of official portrait halls, wherein there was a one-sided Five Peak screen and a royal bed without the use of Peony screens. Indeed, Sŏnwŏnjŏn functioned as a substitute for a spirit hall. In the 19th century, the hall was distinguished from a sprit hall by the more lavish decoration of its inner space with paintings rich in symbolism, additionally including Plum screens and Sea-and-Peaches of Immortality screens. The subject matter of the paintings expressed the royal family’s hope for the eternal life of their ancestors. Portraits selected for worship in Sŏnwŏnjŏn matched the intimate and informal character of this late Chosŏn portrait hall. Unlike Yŏnghŭijŏn in which full-length portraits of late Chosŏn kings in official attire were displayed, a majority of the displayed or enshrined portraits at Sŏnwŏnjŏn presented kings in ordinary attire. Moreover, half-length portraits were enshrined therein. Kings and also the queen dowagers were primarily responsible for deciding what went into it. While ritual requirements were important to these decisions, human feelings for the portrait subjects also influenced the selection.

Production and Consumption of Coromandel Lacquer Screens in the 17th and 18th Centuries

Coromandel lacquer screen is a Chinese folding screen made from the 17th century to 19th century in China. The screen is usually about 250cm high, 600cm width and consisting of twelve panels. Although these screens were made in China during the Qing dynasty, they received their name from India’s Coromandel coast, where they were transshipped to Europe in the late 17th and early 18th centuries by merchants of the English and Dutch East India companies. The Dutch traders carried these screens from Bantam in Java, and in early accounts they were frequently called Bantam screens as well as Coromandel screens. This paper examines Coromandel lacquer screen's art historical significance in the incising global interaction and consumer culture in the 17th and 18th centuries. It first discusses historical and cultural background of production in China which have been little known about. The primary sources focus on the record of Xiu Shi lu, the 16th century book about lacquer, and the inscriptions left on the screens. They will give information about when the screens were produced, what was the purpose of them, and the technique of decoratively incising lacquer and adding polychrome to the voids, called kuan cai in Chinese. The lacquer screen features a continuous scene run through all twelve panels, just like a hand-scroll painting with variety of colours. The prominent subjects for decoration are human figures, landscape and bird-and-flower. The narrative theme with human figures, such as Birthday Reception for General Guo Ziyi and the World of Immortals were shaped by literature or play. Also, the parallels between the lacquer screens and the paintings on the same theme are found. The scenes with Europeans are rare but bring various interpretations within the historical context of the time. The landscape themes, such as the Scenes of Lake Xihu and the Nine Bend in Mountain Wuyi, were depicted famous scenic spots in China. The composition and expression of the screens were probably inspired by landscape woodblock prints, it’s because the technique of lacquer screen and woodblock cutting are similar. Lastly, bird-and-flower theme has a long tradition of wishing longevity, happiness and peace in one’s life and produced in various medium. Thanks to the enormous progress in navigation and discovered sea roots in the 16th century, Dutch and England East India Companies imported quantities of Chinese lacquerworks in the 17th century. As Chinoiserie gain popularity all over Europe, Chinese objects were consumed in various ways. Imported Coromandel lacquer screens were incorporated into European interiors. They were cut into a number of panels, which mounted within wood paneling on walls and inserted into contemporary furniture. The lacquer screen also inspired European’s imitation of Asian lacquer known by a variety of names. This paper surveys Coromandel lacquer screen’s domestic production, exploding consumption and global conquest from the 17th century to 18th centuries, when the screen was explosively made. The lacquer screen is an active participant in cross-cultural interaction, not merely a passive commodity of china. Investigating the material culture of the lacquer screen, it was originally created in chinese domestic background concerned with social prestige, in Europe, consumed to show off exotic luxury and triggered a new stylistic changes in chinoiserie.

The Study on the Style and Value of Stone Buddha Statue of Hoeamsa Temple in Yangju

This study focus on the characteristics and of the Fragment of Stone Buddha of Hoeamsa Temple(檜巖寺). As is well known, this temple had been developed rebuilding by supporting of the royal family from the late of Korea Dynasty to the early of Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮). The Hoeamsa Temple Site in Yangju(陽州) is believed to have been destroyed in a fire in the late 16th century, and various artifacts have been excavated after several excavations since 1999. This Temple has been excavated a variety of Fragment of Stone Buddha statues. The Buddha statue of Hoeamsa Temple in Yangju has a hole on top of high usnisa(肉髻), and special folds in the left arm and a thick clothing style. It was reflects the sculptural Joseon style modified by the Tibet-Chinese style. This style is very similar to that of Buddha statues produced in the 15th century, supported by the royal family of Joseon. In particular, these statues were believed to have been produced around the first half of the 15th century when the temple was heavily fortified with the support of Prince Hyo-ryeong(孝寧大君). It is also interesting to note that these statues show the sculptural features of the early Joseon Dynasty, reflecting the Tibetan-Chinese sculptures style, compared to those of the Buddhist sculptures in the first half of the 15th century during the year of Yeongrak (1403~1424) and Seondeok (1426~1435), the kings of the Ming Dynasty. This reflects the development of Buddhist sculptures in the early Joseon Dynasty in line with the trend of Buddhist art in East Asia.

The Process of Changing the Modern and Contemporary Name of Stone Seated Bodhisattva from Hansongsa Temple Site and Its Meaning

This paper studies the changing process of the honorific name of the Stone Seated Bodhisattva from Hansongsa Temple Site according to the modern and contemporary political and social circumstances. The National Treasure no. 124, the stone image, was carried out to Japan in 1911, donated to Tokyo Imperial Museum, and got the honorific name, 'Tara Bodhisattva,' and the record of the remaining Treasure no. 81, the stone statue, considered as Manjusri, was discovered in Korea. Also, The return of National Treasure no. 124 in 1966 is considered to be the significant event for the change of the honorific name again. There was a disagreement between Korea and Japan on the significance of the image. Japanese academia agreed to return the image because it considered the treasure was not worth possession whilst Korean academic circle treated it as a sculpture that represents the return of Korean remains scattered in Japan. After the return of the National Treasure no. 124, Stone Seated Bodhisattva from Hansongsa Temple Site has been studied actively through the methodology of stylistic analysis in Korean academia. As a result, the overall opinion that Manjusri as the National Treasure no. 124 and Samantabhadra as the treasure no. 81 should be reconsidered because, at present, due to the impairment of animal-shaped pedestals which is considered as the clear evidence for two figures, there is no way to distinguish which stone is Manjusri and which Samantabhadra. Through the above discussion this paper tried to reflect on the significance of the stone seated statues of Hansongsa temple site by looking at the changes of the honorific name tracing the modern and contemporary research history of the stone seated images.

The Introduction of North China’s Ceramic Culture to 15th Century Joseon and the Influence on Buncheong Ware

This paper is a study on Korean Buncheong ware in relation to the ceramic culture of North China. The focus on drawing connections between the ceramic industries of Korea and North China expands on views presented in previous scholarship. Research thus far has traditionally ascribed the origin of Buncheong forms and decoration techniques to the influences of inlaid celadon from the late Goryeo Dynasty and the Cizhou ware of the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. The ceramic culture of North China was quickly transmitted to Korea due to the naturalization of the Jurchen people, who took part in founding the early Joseon Dynasty. Another factor was the migration and settlement of immigrants from North China, which began from the late Goryeo Dynasty and continued into the Joseon Dynasty or the fifteenth century. Therefore, the influence of North China is evident in various aspects of Buncheong ware from the early fifteenth century as observed in the forms of inlaid examples produced during this period. In the latter half of the fifteenth century, increased cultural exchange between the two regions and the growing number of migrants from North China were two important factors in the development of Buncheong in Korea. This is particularly true for examples featuring underglaze iron-brown (cheolhwa), sgraffito (bakji), slip-brushed (gwiyal), and slip-coated (deombeong) decorations fired in kilns populating the region of Chungcheong-do and parts of Jeolla-do. Traces of ‘Bunjang (粉粧)’ ceramics, which served as the transition from celadon to White Porcelain, is detected not only in the fifteenth century Buncheong ware of Joseon, but also in the porcelain of North China produced in the late Yuan and early Ming Dynasties. Though South China also experienced a quick transition from celadon to White Porcelain, the inclusion of ‘Bunjang’ ceramics is unique to North China. In conclusion, early Joseon Buncheong originated and developed from the inlaid celadon of late Goryeo–a progression that occurred under the ceramic culture of North China, whose influences prompted innovations in form and technique vital to the development of Buncheong ware.

A Comprehensive Study of the Lost Buddha Statues at Pogwangjŏn, the Main Hall of Hoeamsa

The main Buddha hall of Hoeamsa 檜巖寺, the monastery that received heavy royal patronages from the late Koryŏ to the early Chosŏn period, was a building known as Pogwangjŏn 普光殿 built in the 14th century. Unfortunately, little is known about the Buddhist statues that had been enshrined in Pogwangjŏn because the monastery fell into ruins two centuries later. Based on comprehensive analyses of historical records and archaeological excavations of the monastery site, this paper attempts to infer the iconography, size, shape, number, and religious meanings of these lost Buddhist statues. The Records of the Restoration of Hoeamsa on Mount Ch’ŏnbo (Ch’ŏnbosan hoeamsa sujogi 天寶山檜巖寺修造記) and archaeological remains suggest that three Buddha status as tall as fifteen ch’ŏk 尺, which would be 4.39-4.6m in modern measurement were enshrined in the monastery’s main hall. Based on the teaching and life of the monk Naong Hyegŭn 懶翁惠勤 (1320-1376) who built the hall and the iconography of embroidered Buddhist hanging scrolls donated by the Queen Wŏn’gŏyng 元敬 (1365-1420), we can infer that these three statues comprised either Amitābha-Śākyamuni-Bhaiṣajyaguru Buddhas, or Amitābha-Vairocana-Bhaiṣajyaguru Buddhas, perhaps the latter in higher chances. These threes Buddhas, as this paper suggests, were designed to embody the trikāya 三身 and the triratna 三寶 along the north-south and the east-west axes of the monastery layout.

Tea Bowl with Decoration of Standing Cranes (Tachizuru): Made-to-order Ceramics Produced in the Japan House Kilns

The Japan House (Korean: waegwan; Japanese: wakan) in the port city of Pusan, was a Japanese outpost during the Chosŏn dynasty. In the period 1639 to 1718, the Sō clan of Tsushima, commissioned made-to-order ceramics here, reflecting Japanese requirements, and a long-standing Japanese enthusiasm for kōrai chawan (“Korean tea bowls”), as demanded by the tea authorities in Japan. The focus of this paper is a group of tea bowls with decoration of standing cranes, the most representative type of made-to-order tea bowls produced at the Japan House kilns. Historical records and recent excavations of kiln sites have revealed that the type of tea bowl with standing crane design enjoyed popularity and continued to be produced until the closure of the Japan House kilns. A bowl of the deep, cylindrical shape adheres closely to early Koryŏ prototypes, while its notched foot resembles those of soft porcelain bowls made for ritual use. The subject of its design motif can be traced back to the ubiquitous cranes of Koryŏ inlaid celadon. The ethereal crane, traditionally associated with longevity, was popular in East Asian pictorial culture. The standing crane design on this type of tea bowl displays a combination of influences from the crane painting by the Southern Song painter Muqi (act. ca. 1240-75) and its reinterpretation by the Kano painters. This paper seeks to define the characteristics of the Japan House kiln products by examining its best-known type of tea bowl with decoration of standing cranes. It elucidates how the tea bowl with standing crane design is clearly not an imitation of early Koryŏ celadon but shows a range of decorative styles that reflect the tastes of the Edo-period daimyo tea world. While adapted to the tastes of Japanese consumers, the tea bowl with standing crane design produced at the Japan House kilns display influences from regional kilns in Chosŏn Korea. In this light, the type of tea bowl with decoration of standing cranes manifests a hybrid state of shifting boundaries and demarcations where Japanese and Korean influences coexisted and encountered with difference.

A Comparative Study on the Appreciation and Adoption of Dijian tushuo in China, Korea, Japan, and France

Dijian tushuo (帝鑑圖說; The Emperor's Mirror, Illustrated and Discussed) is a book compiled by Zhang Juzheng (張居正, 1525-1582), a great scholar during the late period of the Ming Dynasty of China. The book was made for the education of Wanli Emperor (萬歷帝, r.1572-1620), who rose to the throne at an early age. It contains 117 stories about the virtuous and evil deeds of previous emperors, complete with illustrations and relevant articles. After its presentation to the emperor in 1572, several editions of the book were produced by the end of the nineteenth century, and copies were distributed to neighboring countries like Korea and Japan and even to France via Jesuit missionaries. There are copies of more than twelve extant woodblock-printed and lithographic editions in East Asia, as well as copies reprinted with copper plates in France. Also, copies of the book with color illustrations remain in China and France. In Korea, colored illustrations of Dijian tushuo are kept under different titles such as Gunwang jwaumyeong (君王左右銘; The King's Motto) and Dohae yeokdae gungam (圖解歷代君鑑; The Mirror of Rulers throughout the Ages, An Illustrated Explanation) at the Gyeonggi Provincial Museum and the Jangseogak, the archive of the Academy of Korean Studies, respectively. In China, Dijian tushuo formed part of the education of the crown princes during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. More than eight different editions were made by the flourishing commercial publication industry during the two dynasties. In Joseon royal court, the book was recognized as one of the didactic books for the discipline of kingship. As for Japan, the shoguns of the Edo Bakufu used the book to advertise themselves as ideal rulers or to make Chinese royal palace genre paintings as an exotic hobby. Isidore Stanislas Henri Helman (1743~1809), a French engraver, made reprinted copies of the book amid Chinoiseries popularized in eighteenth-century France. The French edition reflects not only the public criticism of King Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette but also Helman’s implicit intention to receive financial support from Marie Louise Josephin de Savoie and the Count of Provence (later Louis XVIII), first in line to the throne at the time. Dijian tushuo was adopted in various countries in East Asia and Europe between the end of the sixteenth century and the early twentieth century, although the way it was used differed from country to country depending on their respective political, social, and cultural situations. However, all these countries had one thing in common– they had future rulers read the book. Perhaps, the fact that it was written for the education of the crown princes of China served as the stimulus for leaders and intellectuals alike. Studies on the ways in which books like Dijian tushuo were distributed as an aggregation of knowledge, information, and culture are thought to be significant and useful in identifying certain characteristics shared by diverse countries and in shedding light on differences in their political and social backgrounds and their art history.

The Adoption and Development of the Gu’s Embroidery in Late-Joseon embroidery

This article uses the idioms of embroidery appreciation as depicted in narrative figure paintings in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, to examine the effects of Gu-style embroidery, which reached Korea during the late Joseon period, on the development of late Joseon embroidered pictures enjoyed by the royal court. The late Joseon period saw unprecedented developments in social, economic and cultural norms. Among these were friendly relations with Qing, allowing Koreans access to new imported culture including various regional Chinese embroidery styles. Gu embroidery became an early source of influence on change and production of embroidery in the royal court. By the 18th century, embroidered everyday items had spread into the private homes of aristocrats and commoners as part of a luxury trend. Expert producers created masterpieces specifically for viewing, which were collected for this purpose. Decorative embroidered screens were created featuring Taoist hermit and narrative figure paintings, driving artistic growth based on motifs of elegance and appreciation of luxury. Characteristics relating to Gu found in these works include: first, the filling of parts corresponding to Gu-style mixed embroidery and painting with long and short stitches and irregular long and short stitches; second, the development of a type of decorative stitching capable of the same elaborate expression as Gu; third, the replacement of untwisted thread, in which Gu style was used to achieve gradation, with twisted thread; fourth, the tracing of the outlines of all pictorial elements with outline stitch, unlike in Gu, emphasizing neatness; fifth, the use of contrasting complementary colors rather than intermediate colors; and sixth, the production of Taoist hermit paintings such as Banquet at Jade Pond and narrative figure paintings as screens. In sum, it can be said that this series of phenomena developed into a formal idiom in Joseon embroidery, which had become more highly renowned than that of China by the 19th century.

On the Buddhist Statues Excavated from Hoeamsa-ji in Yangju

Hoeamsa Temple in Yangju province was one of the most important Buddhist temples in the early days of the Joseon dynasty from the late Koryo, which was the place dwelled by Jigong(指空), Naong(懶翁), and Muhak(無學). Even in the early Joseon Dynasty, Hoeamsa Temple served as a royal temple. Yi Saek witnessed the seven Buddha statues of 15-chuck in height and the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara image of 10-chuck in Hoeamsa and recorded the marvelous features of the temple in his book, Sujo-gi. However, none of these statues remain in modern days, and only fragments of the small stone Buddha statues and other Buddhist deity sculptures have been excavated at Hoeamsa-ji Temple site. It is difficult to ascertain the substance of the Buddhist sculptures of Hoeamsa temple with only a few fragments of small stone statues. From the historical records and the analysis of styles in those fragments, compared with other sculptures in the early Joseon dynasty, we can assume that Prince Hyoryeong supported these stone Buddha images. Since the large Buddha statues that Yi mentioned above were already enshrined in the main building of Hoeamsa Temple, Prince Hyoryeong would have been focused on the construction of stupas or making tiles for the renovation of shrines for the Buddha except for the large Buddha statue. Instead, he would have sponsored the artisans to sculpt small stone Buddhas and bring them to buildings or shrines other than Bokwangjeon, the main hall. Previous research estimated that the materials for those small stone Buddha images were either tuff or sandstone. There are several differences in rock quality, stone particles, color, and homogeneity compared to actual rocks. Unlike the general stone Buddha statues in Korea using granite, the Buddha statues excavated from the Hoeamsa Temple are bright yellowish-white. And the rocks are so fine in quality to make the particles indistinguishable. When we see those pieces of Buddha statues in bare eyes, it looks like kaolin stone. It is necessary to analyze the materials of these stone sculptures and confirm the rock composition or materials through more precise scientific verification. Despite the prestige of the Hoeamsa Temple in the period, the absence of a large Buddha statue is unfortunate. Even if Hoeamsa Temple served as a royal temple, jaboksa, in the early Joseon Dynasty, the hostility of the Confucian scholars was enormous. The absence of the Buddha statues and the thorough destruction of the buildings in Hoeamsa proves that Joseon finally became a Confucian country.