Journal of Somali Studies
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Published By Adonis And Abbey Publishers

2056-5682, 2056-5674

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-25
Author(s):  
Abdirachid M. Ismail ◽  

How do states destroy themselves and become "collapsed states" or "bankrupt states"? After having observed and analyzed the devolution of some countries towards collapse, we took note of at least two factors which are not well documented in literature but which are nevertheless decisive in the collapse of a state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-100
Author(s):  
Eric Herring ◽  

This article explores how academics and practitioners can collaborate to decolonise development in relation to Somalia/Somaliland. It does so through theoretical synthesis followed by an inductive thematic empirical analysis and collaborative autoethnography of the Somali First initiative to promote Somaliled development. The initiative has been run by Somali social enterprise Transparency Solutions and the University of Bristol since 2014. The article argues that underpinning the initiative with commitments to sustainable development as a global issue and to locally led, simple, complicated and complex change has been vital to ensuring that it contributes to decolonising development in Somalia/Somaliland. It argues further that the decolonisation of development in this case has been advanced through long term partnership grounded in a shared purpose and complementary capacities; maximisation of funding for and control of funding by Somali entities; decentring English and centring Somali linguistic diversity; promoting a locally led approach; and employing co-production. It concludes that scaling up or transfer of the approach set out in the article would involve reinterpretation by local actors to suit the context to be an effective contribution to decolonising development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-63
Author(s):  
Yayew Genet Chekol ◽  

The aim of the paper was at investigating the hydro political position of Nile riparian states particularly Sudan, and Egypt on Ethiopian Grand Renaissance Dam project. On the national level, the study points out that Ethiopia needs to consolidate its traditional and modern water rules, customs and laws to codify them to provide a regulatory foundation for the nation‟s water utilization and development. The development of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is causing political escalation of tension between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan based on Nile water agreement signed during Colonial period between Britain and Egypt, Egypt and Sudan. The study finds that the existing status quo in the eastern Nile basin still hangs in a delicate balance, unless a legal and institutional setup is established by all riparian states. A regional institutional setup to regulate a longer-term cooperation is a sine qua non for sustainable development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Bewuketu Dires Gardachew ◽  

After suffering significant casualties in peacekeeping operations in Africa, several powerful countries, including the U.S. and some of its western allies, exhibited reluctance to deploy their troops in Africa in significant numbers or for long periods of time. Since then many western powerful states exhibited fatigue and reduced their involvement in peace initiatives on the continent where Somalia is could be taken as one of those best cases. “Africa fatigue” by the powerful Western countries motivated and necessitated for the emergence of the “African solution to African problems” maxim. It is in this context that the AU authorized a range of peace operations, among them, AU Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), to respond to the complex conflicts that have engulfed the continent. The objective of this study is to explore whether the approach of “African solutions to African problems” is enough to address the severe humanitarian situation of Somalia or not. The study looks at the case of Somalia for two reasons. First, Somalia has faced a prolonged civil war fuelled by intense internal conflict and exacerbated by external influences. Secondly, the AU has been playing a leading role in the resolutions of the conflicts using a multidimensional approach that involved diplomatic, mediatory and military mechanisms over a longer period of time. More importantly, the case of Somalia is chosen mainly because the case is among the glaring example of AU‟s comprehensive peace operation. Other African countries such as Burundi, Comoro Islands, Mali, Central African Republic and the like have also hosted peace support operations however; these missions were conducted for short period. Hence, examining the AU‟s relatively short-term responses presents challenges as these short-term missions may not test the capacity of African Union compared to the long-term peace operations (Somalia).


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-145
Author(s):  
Ladan Affi ◽  

In 1962, Hawa Jibril, a poetess and a long-time activist for Somali women‟s rights and political participation, called on fellow women activists to oppose male elders who sought to exclude women from the governance of their country by engaging in activism. In her powerful poem, „the old men who hold us back‟ Hawa exhorted her fellow activists to not let the old men “prevail over us” (Jibril 2008:151). Sixty years later, Somali women continue their resistance against clan-based politics and elders who attempt to hold them back. This paper examines the effects of the political institutionalization of the clans and the ways that it challenges women‟s aspirations to participate in politics. This article is based on research carried out in Puntland (Garowe), Somaliland (Hargeisa and Bur‟o) and Mogadishu; Nairobi, Kenya; and Minneapolis, MN from 2016 - 2018. It asks the following questions: How has the 4.5 power-sharing agreement and the presence of clan elders as gatekeepers in the political system affected Somali women? And in what way have women responded to these obstacles? This research finds that despite the adoption of gender quota, the presence of clan elders and the 4.5 power-sharing agreement both pose significant barriers to women‟s inclusion in politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
Ernest Nene Khalema ◽  

Theories that critique linking African youth to crime are predicated around a larger discussion on social exclusion, strain, and politics of racialization. While the nexus between blackness and criminality have long been cemented in mainstream discourses in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, the intersection of blackness and other markers of difference such as migration status, class, race, and religious identity and crime has not been critically examined in the literature. In Canada, African migrant youth from diverse refugee, class, ethno-cultural, and religious backgrounds undergo tremendous stereotyping as they navigate integration pathways into Canadian society. Although youth integration prevention strategies have been developed, implemented, and systematically evaluated for other underserved youth in Canada (i.e. indigenous and/or First Nations youth), culturally informed interventions aimed at African migrant youth from Somali backgrounds have not been judiciously explored. In this systematic review of the literature, I argue that understanding the extant research on Somali-Canadian youth is crucial for advancing knowledge on crime prevention interventions and filling gaps in the evidence base. By identifying the gaps, trends, and synergies in the scholarly discourse, this review provides a framework that highlights the necessity of rigor in studies that contribute to solutions rather than linking Canadian youth of Somali background to criminality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-139
Author(s):  
Rosa Amatulli
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-72
Author(s):  
Andrew Nyongesa ◽  
Justus Kizito Siboe Makokha

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Paul Antonopoulos ◽  
Arturo Gallegos Garcia
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-105
Author(s):  
Omar A. Sheikh Abdurahman ◽  
Mohamed A. Eno ◽  
Abdi M. Kusow

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