Samaniego After the 2016 Peace Agreement: Between Hope and Fear

2021 ◽  
pp. 111-135
Author(s):  
Cécile Mouly ◽  
Karen Bustos
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
أميرة عبد الحفيظ عمارة

This research is interested in studying the reality of translation from Hebrew to Arabic, especially the translation of novels. The research relied on translated and published novels, from certain publishing houses, and it includes about 29 novels translated from Hebrew to Arabic. The first translation in this field was Ahavat Zion )loving Zion(, a novel by Abraham Mapu (1808-1867), translated by Salim Al-Dawoodi, and published by the Al-khidewiah Press in Cairo in 1899. Translations from Hebrew to, and vice versa, had Flourished after the establishment of the State of Israel, in particular after 1967 War, and resumed after the peace agreement with Israel. The largest wave of such translations was carried out in newspapers, magazines and academic research in part. The eighties and nineties of the last century were a period of translation activity in regard of partial translations in newspapers. The numbers of translations of full novels published so far have not exceeded thirty in most cases, and the number of translations published in Israel is approximate to the translations published in the Arab countries. The trends of novels that were translated inside Israel were of specific trends, and the translated works that were chosen were initiated, encouraged, and financed by organizations supported by the Israeli establishment. In addition, the translators also had a role in choosing the translated novels into Arabic to obtain financial support. As for the translated Hebrew works in the Arab countries, their focus was on the conditions and sufferings of the Israelis from Arab descent in Israel, and on the failure of Zionism and the issues of existential anxiety the Israelis are experiencing.


Author(s):  
Serhii I. Degtyarev ◽  
Violetta S. Molchanova

This work is devoted to the publication and analysis of two previously unknown handwritten documents of 1734. These documents contain information on several persons of Swedish nationality, which were illegally taken out by the Russian nobleman I. Popov during the Northern War from the territory of Sweden. Materials are stored in the State Archives of the Sumy region. They are part of the archival case of Okhtyrka District Court, but they are not thematically connected with it. These documents were once part of a much larger complex of materials. They refer to the request of former Swedish nationals to release them from serfdom from the Belgorod and Kursk landlords Popov and Dolgintsev. The further fate of these people remained unknown. But it is known that they were mistreated by their masters. Russian legislation at the time prohibited such treatment of persons of Swedish nationality. This was discussed in terms of the peace agreement Nishtadskoyi 1721. The two documents revealed illustrate the episodes of the lives of several foreigners who were captured. The analyzed materials give an opportunity to look at a historical phenomenon like a serfdom in the territory of the Russian Empire under a new angle. They allow us to study one of the ways to replenish the serfs. Documents can also be used as a source for the study of some aspects of social history, in biographical studies. The authors noted that the conversion to the property of the enslaved people of other nationalities was a very common practice in the XVII-XIX centuries. This source of replenishment of the dependent population groups were popular in many nations in Europe, Asia and Africa since ancient times. For example, in the Crimean Khanate, Turkey, Italy, Egypt, the nations of the Caucasus and many others. Кeywords: Sweden, Russian Empire, historical source, documents, Russo-Swedish War, Nistadt Treaty, Viborg, Swedish citizens, enslavement, serfdom.


Author(s):  
Tomas Balkelis

This chapter discusses the Polish–Lithuanian War of 1919–20. The war flared in May 1919 when the first open clash took place between Lithuanian and Polish troops. It gradually escalated and lasted until late November 1920 when, in Kaunas, both sides agreed to stop fighting along the demarcation line established by the League of Nations. Yet there was no final peace agreement signed, only a truce. And low-scale paramilitary violence continued unabated in the “neutral zone” along the demarcation line until as late as May 1923. The chapter argues that the war against Poland provided an opportunity for total mobilization of the whole of Lithuanian society. The fact that, during the entire interwar period, the conflict remained open-ended, ensured that the paramilitary structures and military laws that emerged during it would remain in place for much longer.


Elements ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
David F. Bradley, Jr.

In 1978, Egypt's Anwar Al-Sadat launched a historic peace initiative with Israel, ultimately culminating in a peace agreement that, nearly 30 years later, still stands. This paper traces Egypt's economic status under Anwar Al-Sadat and concludes that Sadat, rather than just being an innately peace-loving man, had real economic incentives in seeking peace with Israel. Egypt diverted resources from its infrastructure and its people in order to pay for a heavily armed border with Israel. Hostilities toward Israel also cost the country foreign direct investment and foreign aid from the West. Sadat's desire for peace was literally hunger because his citizens were starving.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Alexandra Phelan ◽  
Jacqui True

Abstract A growing body of scholarship connects the participation of women and the inclusion of gender provisions to the sustainability of peace settlements. But how do women's groups navigate gender power structures and gendered forms of violence within complex and fragile political bargaining processes aimed at ending large-scale conflict? The 2016 Colombian peace agreement, internationally applauded for its inclusion of strong gender provisions and women's participation as negotiators and peace advocates, is a significant case for examining these questions. Drawing on original case material, including interviews of key actors on different sides of the conflict – this article analyses the political bargaining dynamics within and among women's movements, the Santos government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC). We argue that the inclusion of women was pivotal in transforming the elite bargaining process and power structures of Colombian society enabling a gender-based approach to the substantive peace agenda addressing transitional gender justice for sexual violence survivors and gender-equal redistribution through land and rural reform programmes. The study suggests that deeply situated political bargaining analysis is essential to navigating gender in elite bargains rather than a one-size-fits-all approach to inclusive peace.


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