The Polish–Lithuanian Conflict

Author(s):  
Tomas Balkelis

This chapter discusses the Polish–Lithuanian War of 1919–20. The war flared in May 1919 when the first open clash took place between Lithuanian and Polish troops. It gradually escalated and lasted until late November 1920 when, in Kaunas, both sides agreed to stop fighting along the demarcation line established by the League of Nations. Yet there was no final peace agreement signed, only a truce. And low-scale paramilitary violence continued unabated in the “neutral zone” along the demarcation line until as late as May 1923. The chapter argues that the war against Poland provided an opportunity for total mobilization of the whole of Lithuanian society. The fact that, during the entire interwar period, the conflict remained open-ended, ensured that the paramilitary structures and military laws that emerged during it would remain in place for much longer.

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL G. THOMPSON

By tracing the career of influential YMCA missionary Sherwood Eddy, this essay brings to light the origins of Christian internationalism in 1920s America. Far more than mere boosterism for Woodrow Wilson's League of Nations, and far more than mere “pacifism” or Social Gospel “idealism”(reductive categories with which activism in the period is often associated), Christian internationalism in the interwar period was a movement defined by three broad and far-reaching impulses. First, it was characterized by the proliferation of new enterprises such as travelling seminars, conferences and publications devoted to reflection on the ethics of international relations. Second, it comprised a holistic, oppositional and radical political orientation that went beyond legalist internationalism and encompassed agitation against imperialism and racism. Third, the movement was premised on a fundamental critique of the idea of America as a “Christian nation”. Eddy's career highlights the unique importance of the missionary enterprise in giving shape to these impulses in the 1920s and beyond.


Author(s):  
Mischa Honeck

Internationalism provided another momentous frontier for U.S. Scouts eager to inscribe themselves in debates about America’s global role in the interwar period. Focusing on the first two decades of the world jamboree movement, chapter 3 details how BSA delegates, both old and young, participated in the cultural reconstruction of nations and empires through world Scouting. Although the world jamborees thrived on a rhetoric of demobilization, identifying peace as a worthwhile pursuit for young men, the colorful parades of Boy Scouts from across the globe, whose performances of universal brotherhood were curtailed by national loyalties and imperial rivalries, rejuvenated old ideas of civilizational difference. Economic disparities, colonial hierarchies, and a persistent Anglocentrism made the world jamborees an uneven affair, with serious implications for how U.S. Scouts learned to balance global aspirations and duty to the nation.


Author(s):  
Fernando Arlettaz

Summary The League of Nations established, in the interwar period, a legal regime for the protection of minorities which considered them as intermeditate groups between the State and the individuals. On the contrary, the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, adopted in 1948 by the United Nations, assumed a radically individualistic point of view and did not include any mention to minority rights. The travaux préparatoires of the Universal Declaration suggest that the question of minorities caused strong tension among States and that, for this reason, they avoided its inclusion in the 1948 document.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Leonas Nekrašas

During the interwar years the situation between Lithuania and Poland was tense. Lithuania never stopped claiming Vilnius as its capital city and did not recognize it as a part of Poland – therefore these countries did not have diplomatic relations. Travelling possibilities between these alienated states were greatly restricted and (as Lithuania did not recognize the demarcation line dividing both countries as an official state border) their borderland was an area of frequent violence, provocations, and ever present tension. The border situation created a problem for local people – the demarcation line (conclusively established in 1923 after the dissolution of the demilitarized neutral zone that separated both states) divided the farms of many local farmers leaving thousands of hectares of farmland belonging to residents of Poland in Lithuania and vice versa. Both countries agreed to allow the farmers of these divided farms to cross the demarcation line to continue to use and work their land. However, these people were directly caught up in the feud between their antagonistic states and suffered from it. This paper explores the struggles experienced by Lithuania’s farmers (frequently and deliberately obstructed by Poland’s border guards) and the efforts of Lithuanian state institutions to defend their interests. The analysis showcases an unorthodox situation and uncovers unique ways of communicating and solving problems established between states that had no diplomatic relations in the interest of their local citizens. The methods used gradually evolved from the use of the basic “An eye for an eye“ type of retaliation (reacting to obstruction by causing equivalent difficulties to farmers of the opposing country) to frequent meetings between local officials of both nations in a borderland marked by tension and conflict. Various methods that were used to better the situation of local farmers are analysed. The paper uncovers the core principles that determined and guided the policy of Lithuanian state institutions. Most significantly, it was a recognition of importance of reacting to every obstructive action made against Lithuanian citizens. There was also a great avoidance to act (or react) in a way that could be interpreted as recognizing the demarcation line as the state border. The situation regarding the issue of the divided farms after the Polish ultimatum and the establishment of diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Poland in 1938 is examined.


Author(s):  
Mar’yan Zhytariuk

The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land. Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally. Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabetta Tollardo

AbstractThis article seeks to shed new light on the complex nature of Italian agency in the League of Nations (LoN) and the Italians’ involvement in the international community that characterised Geneva in the interwar period. By analysing the actions and the networks of the Italians who worked in the League’s machinery, this article reveals the extent to which they were part of an international society emerging in Geneva. Through the experiences of Alberto Theodoli, chairman of the Permanent Mandates Commission, and Pietro Stoppani, director of the Economic Relations Section, this study concludes that Italian experts were fully part of the international society that flourished in interwar Geneva, being members of international networks and using their position to promote their agendas. However, these Italians were influenced in different ways by the Fascist regime and their attachment to the League’s internationalism varied. The article shows how the Fascist government realised the potential of the LoN world for promoting its foreign policy goals and legitimising the regime. Fascist Italy valued Geneva as a central forum for international relations and as a place where it could further its imperial ambitions.


Author(s):  
Laura Robson

This chapter looks at the construction of refugee camps, enclaves, and settlements for displaced “minorities” in Syria and Iraq during the interwar period. It argues that this refugee regime spawned a new category of non-Arab, non-Muslim communities who were permanent fixtures in Iraq and Syria, but whose primary political relationships were with international organizations like the League of Nations, the British and French mandates, and diaspora groups rather than with their Arab compatriots or their own states’ governments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentin Khrisanfov ◽  
Natalia Turygina

This article is a historiographical review of the recent Bulgarian historical literature regarding estimates of the number of Russian emigrants in Bulgaria between the 1920s and 1930s. Figures mentioned by contemporary researchers D. Daskalov, L. Spasov, Ts. Keseva, M. Jovanovic, and P. Peykovska estimate that there were from 20,000 to 50,000 Russian migrants in Bulgaria in 1922–1923. In order to explain this discrepancy, the authors of the article analyse different types of sources, i. e. official reports of the Bulgarian authorities, reports of the Office for Russian Refugees under the League of Nations, émigré periodicals, statistical yearbooks, and censuses. Due to the lack of registration of Russian refugees arriving in the country and the interest of different parties in exaggerating the magnitude of the process, working with statistics and censuses seems to be the most promising approach in the study of migration not only in Bulgaria but also in any other country with a Russian diaspora. According to the authors of this brief review, this approach to the analysis of population movement will help correct the thesis of the multi-million Russian diaspora of the interwar period, which is established both in Russian and foreign historiography.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-54
Author(s):  
Josep L. Barona

The Rockefeller Foundation (RF) and the League of Nations (LON) played a fundamental role in stabilization policies during the interwar period. Public health became essential in this context due to the immediate consequences of the war, the post-war economic crisis and the Great Depression. RF and LON became the cornerstone of international action in several fields: epidemics, famine, malnutrition, infectious diseases, infant mortality, drug abuse, biological and dietary standard-setting, epidemiological records, public health policies and professionalization. In the shaping international health expertise, LON and RF collaboration was extremely important, in terms of determining goals and programmes, and in terms of financial support. This article analyses the areas and the extent of their collaboration in Europe.


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