Reconceptualising Social and Economic Rights: The Right to Housing and Intersecting Legal Regimes

Author(s):  
Jane Matthews Glenn
Author(s):  
GE Devenish

One of the manifest differences between the Bill of Rights in the interim and the 1996 Constitutions is the more comprehensive treatment of social and economic rights in the latter.1  In addition to the social and economic rights of children contained in section 28(1)(c), education in section 29 and detained persons' rights in section 35(2)(e), Chapter 2 of the 1996 Constitution encapsulates "an entirely new set of rights not foreshadowed in the interim Constitution".2  These relate essentially to housing rights, set out in section 26, and rights protecting health care services, food, water and social security contained in section 27. Certain other provisions also contain socio-economic rights.  So, for example, section 25(5) redistribution of land, section 28, children's rights, section 29, education, section 35(2)(c), the right to a legal practitioner, section 35(2)(e), detainees rights to adequate accommodation, nutrition, reading material and medical treatment.


Author(s):  
Claire Fenton-Glynn

This chapter focuses on four social and economic rights which have been invoked in relation to children before the European Court of Human Rights: the right to health care, the right to a healthy environment, the right to property, and the right to social welfare. In relation to health care, it considers issues concerning consent to treatment, immunisation and disease prevention, privacy, and medical negligence. The chapter then examines the issue of abortion, focusing on the status of the unborn children under the Convention, as well as the right to effective access to treatment. The right to a healthy environment is also analysed, although this issue has only been briefly considered in the context of children’s rights. Finally, the child’s right to property, in the context of misuse of property, inheritance rights, and child maintenance are considered, as well as social security and social welfare, including parental leave and allowances, and access to state benefits.


ICL Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Portugal Gouvêa

AbstractThe main argument of this work is that the discourse of social and economic rights in Brazil has been appropriated by privileged economic groups with the result that the constitutional protection of those rights is no longer carrying out its function to reduce economic inequality. This article will be divided into three parts. The first is a discussion of the historic context of patrimonialism in Brazil as well as the origins of economic inequality in the country. The second part is devoted to the theoretical debate surrounding the con­stitutional protection of social and economic rights in light of what is often referred to as ‘new constitutionalism’, along with an interpretation of the structure for protecting social and economic rights that is present in the Brazilian constitution. The third part consists of a case study of the current state of the judicialization of the right to health in Brazil, with special attention to free concession of medicine and the new legislation on the subject. In conclusion, the paper argues that judicial decisions on the right to health, in particular, and social and economic rights, in general, have been formalistic, with little regard to their (often negative) distributive impact. The solution is then not to move from individual litiga­tion to collective litigation (eg class actions), but to move from an ‘individual rights’ approach to a ‘distributive’ approach, which takes into account the effects of court decisions not only with respect to the parties involved but also to the rights of the poorest of the poor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 237-257
Author(s):  
David Bilchitz

This chapter focuses on how courts should individuate social and economic rights. Although all rights can be judicially enforced, judges must have a different approach to each right; there are substantial differences even among social and economic rights themselves. Analysing the recent Dladdla case of the South African Court, the chapter argues that it is not possible to confine human interests regarding housing to bare survival, but other dimensions of the right to housing come into play. In this sense, it seems to take the stance of the 'interest theory' of rights, according to which despite their canonical formulations, rights have a dynamic character due to ever-evolving interest and duties that rights are there to protect and impose. This dynamism is even clearer in pluralist societies, where disagreement on those interest and duties flourishes. The chapter then calls the attention on how courts should do their job in regards to the interpretation and enforcement of socio-economic rights; it suggests taking an 'integrated' approach, which acknowledges the interconnection of the various rights.


Author(s):  
Crystal Parikh

Examining the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Chapter One tracks how, in the final years of the Cold War, authors such as Ernest Gaines and Maxine Hong Kingston re-membered transnational forms of Afro-Asian solidarity that laid claim to the right to self determination, as well as social and economic rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 87-90
Author(s):  
Aziza Ahmed

My comments today seek to highlight how social and economic rights advocates, particularly those concerned with the right to health, engage with ongoing debates about the role of criminal law in human rights. In particular, I emphasize how many “right to health” campaigns fight for the decriminalization of laws that result in the arrest of marginalized communities or health workers. This trend within right to health advocacy complicates what has been called the anti-impunity turn in human rights. In other words, although many scholars have correctly highlighted the rise of a carceral agenda in human rights, there is also ongoing, and perhaps growing, emphasis on decriminalization in the context of social and economic rights. This presentation gives a brief overview of the fight for decriminalization in the context of the right to health, highlights the challenges faced by advocates of in those campaigns, and reflects on some cautionary tales emerging from these fights for decriminalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 364-390
Author(s):  
Sacha Garben

The EU legal order recognises at its highest level both fundamental social rights/freedoms and economic rights/freedoms. As is well-known, it is in the cases where these have had to be balanced against one another, that profound legal and political difficulties have appeared over the years, feeding into a more general concern about an asymmetry between social and economic values and outcomes in the European integration process. While we need to be careful not to overstate the extent of conflict, it deserves to be reiterated that there remain a number of important ‘social sore spots’ that despite sustained academic and political critique, and despite some adjustments in the Court’s approach, continue to emerge and challenge the EU’s social legitimacy. The EU’s approach towards the right to strike and bargain collectively in relation to the internal market provisions on the free provision of services and establishment, which has not only met with criticism internally but has also been considered at odds with international social rights, remains problematic in spite of the CJEU’s more recent ‘conciliatory’ case law. Moreover, relatively recent (r)evolutions in the case law as regards the freedom to conduct a business have raised important new tensions. In accordance with its brief, this article maps these frictions and, more importantly, considers how the adjudication of these rights could be conducted differently. In this regard, it argues that the most appropriate alternative approach is one not directed at procuring more ‘social’ outcomes as such, but instead one that provides a more constitutionally and democratically legitimate framework of adjudication of fundamental rights generally, and social and economic rights specifically. Indeed, while this paper therefore shares the fundamental ambition of some other thought-provoking approaches proposed recently to provide the European judiciary with an alternative framework for the balancing of social and economic rights, the proposal of this paper is different in the importance it attaches to democracy. Democracy shall be the guiding concern in the proposed framework, not only by ensuring that the extent to which these rights are enforced against the national and European legislative process remains limited to what is necessary, but also in providing the dominant telos that should inform the substantive interpretation of these rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Dinda Izzati

Evidently, a few months after the Jakarta Charter was signed, Christian circles from Eastern Indonesia submitted an ultimatum, if the seven words in the Jakarta Charter were still included in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution, then the consequence was that they would not want to join the Republic of Indonesia. The main reason put forward by Pastor Octavian was that Indonesia was seen from its georaphical interests and structure, Western Indonesia was known as the base of Islamic camouflage, while eastern Indonesia was the basis for Christian communities. Oktavianus added that Christians as an integral part of this nation need to realize that they also have the right to life, religious rights, political rights, economic rights, the same rights to the nation and state as other citizens, who in fact are mostly Muslims. This paper aims to determine and understand the extent to which the basic assumptions of the Indonesian people view the role of Islam as presented in an exclusive format.


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