BUMETANIDE: Diuretic previously available in Europe, Japan and South East Asia; now introduced by Roche in the US

InPharma ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 391 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-20
Keyword(s):  

Subject Outlook for Thai-US-China relations. Significance Chatchai Thipsunaree, Thailand’s permanent secretary in the Ministry of Transport, confirmed on May 17 that construction of the long-awaited Thai-China high-speed railway will begin this year. The project reflects the growing momentum in Thailand’s relations with China, and refiguring of ties with the United States. Impacts Trump administration officials see less strategic imperative in the US-Thailand alliance than previous administrations. China’s growing presence in South-east Asia, particularly on the Mekong, will trigger resistance from affected populations in Thailand. Thai officials will allow Chinese infrastructure projects to proceed despite local protests.


Subject Prospects for South-east Asia in 2020. Significance Most South-east Asian governments are politically secure, but they face challenges regarding trade and diplomacy. Worsening trade conditions, partly due to the US-China tariff dispute, are slowing growth in region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 297-312
Author(s):  
Adam Araszkiewicz

This article aims at adressing several research issues. Firstly, to present offensive realism as a proper research tool to analyse US-China rivalry. Secondly, the author discusses the theory of “China’s peaceful rise” and I argues that it smoothly overlapped with the US strategy of liberal hegemony. Thirdly, He presents and defends the argument that China does not rise peacefully. Fourthly, the author claims that China wants to became a regional hegemon in South-East Asia and the USA according to offensive realism cannot let it happen. Last but not least the author considers the arguments that are frequently used to support the theory of “China’s peaceful rise” and explains why they fail to depict the current and predict the future nature of US-China relations. In this article the author employed the following research methods: historical, descriptive and decision making methods.


Significance The preferential US trade programme faces renewal or lapse by December 31. South-east Asia’s economies are structured to take advantage of the GSP and many of the products exported to the United States under GSP (such as light manufactures and seafood) are important for South-east Asia’s supply chains. Impacts Vietnam may make another application for inclusion in the US GSP programme. The more authoritarian South-east Asian countries could find it easier to gain US GSP preferences under Trump. The Trump administration could use the GSP as a bargaining chip in trade negotiations or renegotiations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torbjörn Bildtgård

Where is food ‘good to think’? This comparative study describes the mental foodscapes of Swedish and French people by asking them to say where, in time and space, they would go to in order to eat well. Both the Swedish and French respondents say they would avoid the US and fast-food establishments in order to eat well, but while the French in general point inward, toward the countryside of their region a couple of decades ago, the Swedes, in their choices, want to go far away, to the Mediterranean region, South-east Asia or an abstract wilderness. The article argues that the reason for these differences is that consumers in these two countries use different dominant rationalities to judge the food of different places – a nutritional rationality in Sweden and a rationality of origin in France – and it proceeds to identify the politico-historical roots of these rationalities. Finally, it argues that while each rationality makes a certain set of food and place qualities cognizable and judgeable, others, such as exotic foods in France and conviviality in Sweden, are left non-cognizable and difficult to judge.


2020 ◽  
pp. 127-155
Author(s):  
Huw Dylan ◽  
David V. Gioe ◽  
Michael S. Goodman

The chapter begins with a survey of the various declassified volumes from numerous strands of the US Government that detail events from the mid-1950s onwards in relation to South East Asia. It then moves on to consider the role that CIA officer, Ed Lansdale had in the late 1950s and 1960s in establishing intelligence networks and paramilitary activities in South Vietnam. As the war developed, however, it became increasingly difficult to gain any kind of meaningful strategic intelligence from Hanoi. And despite notable advances, the US was prone to being surprised. This chapter discusses these issues in the context of the Tet Offensive. Document: Intelligence Warning of the Tet Offensive in South Vietnam.


2019 ◽  
Vol 241 ◽  
pp. 214-235
Author(s):  
Enze Han

AbstractFew studies on the legacies of the Chinese Civil War have examined its effects on state consolidation in the borderland area between China and mainland South-East Asia. This paper empirically examines the impact of the intrusion of the defeated Kuomingtang (KMT) into the borderland area between China, Burma and Thailand. In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the presence of the US-supported KMT across its Yunnan border increased the new communist government's threat perceptions. In response, Beijing used a carrot-and-stick approach towards consolidating its control by co-opting local elites while ruthlessly eliminating any opposition deemed to be in collusion with the KMT. In the case of Burma, the KMT presence posed a significant challenge to Burmese national territorial integrity and effectively led to the fragmentation of the Burmese Shan State. Finally, in Thailand, Bangkok collaborated with the Americans in support of the KMT to solidify its alliance relations. Later, Thailand used the KMT as a buffer force for its own border defence purposes against a perceived communist infiltration from the north. This paper contextualizes the spill-over effects of the Chinese Civil War in terms of the literature on how external threats can potentially facilitate state consolidation.


Subject Outlook for US policy towards South-east Asia under the Trump administration. Significance Donald Trump becomes US president on January 20. South-east Asian governments are assessing the outlook for relations with Washington during his administration. Their region drew scant attention during the US election campaign, and regional leaders have little reason to think South-east Asia will be an early Trump administration priority. However, they fear the effects of possible early frictions between Washington and Beijing, and increased regional rivalries if Washington and Moscow strengthen relations to China’s detriment. Impacts Thai-US relations are likely to warm under Trump. Myanmar’s leaders will look to the US Senate to protect the gains in Myanmar-US ties under Obama. Trump-owned or branded businesses in South-east Asia could face protests or terrorist attacks.


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