scholarly journals Prosecutorial Discretion and Republican Non-Domination

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 965-985
Author(s):  
Dustin Crummett

AbstractProsecutors in the US legal system have great power to interfere at their discretion in the lives of citizens, and face relatively few checks on the exercise of this discretion. The vast scope of the criminal law provides a pretext for prosecuting nearly anyone. Meanwhile, other features of the legal system, such as the way plea bargains are structured and the doctrine of prosecutorial immunity, further increase prosecutorial power. And existing institutional restraints on prosecutorial abuses, such as democratic accountability, the grand jury system, and the possibility of a selective prosecution defense, are mostly ineffectual. I draw on republican political theory, including insights from Philip Pettit and Elizabeth Anderson, to argue that this state of affairs gives prosecutors dominating, and therefore unjust, power over vast swathes of the public. I then survey some potential institutional changes which might help ameliorate the problem.

Author(s):  
Jeremy Horder

AbstractPhilip Pettit has made central to modern republican theory a distinctive account of freedom—republican freedom. On this account, I am not free solely because I can make choices without interference. I am truly free, only if that non-interference does not itself depend on another’s forbearance (what Pettit calls ‘formal’ freedom). Pettit believes that the principal justification for the traditional focus of the criminal law is that it constitutes a bulwark against domination. I will, in part, be considering the merits of this claim. Is the importance of the orthodox realm of the criminal law solely or mainly explained by the wish to protect people from domination? In short, the answer is that it is not. Across the board, the criminal law rightly protects us equally from threats to what Pettit calls ‘effective,’ as opposed to formal, republican freedom. I will develop my critique of Pettit’s account of criminal law, in part to raise questions about the role of ‘domination’ in political theory, and about whether it poses a significant challenge to liberal accounts of criminal law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-448
Author(s):  
Marek Kulik

The study addresses the status of a local government body member and a local government employee as a person holding a public function in the meaning of Polish criminal law. In the Polish legal system, a person who holds a public function may be held criminally liable for passive bribery (bribe accepting) defined in Article 229 of the Polish Penal Code.  Pursuant to Article 115 § 19 PC, a public officer and persons belonging to several other categories are persons holding a public function, while  Article 115 § 13 PC defines the public officer by detailed enumeration of specific persons. The study provides an analysis of these concepts in view of the provisions governing the status of local government officers and persons employed with local government organisational units.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Erma Rusdiana

Indonesian Constitution states that all people of Indonesia are entitled to equal treatment before the law as stated in Article 28 D, paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution, but they are not always easily access it. The principle of justice is simple, fast and low cost can’t be reached by most people. Currently, there is also a change and dynamics of complex societies and regulations in some legislation. It also has implications on the public nature of the criminal law has shifted its relative entered the private sphere with known and practiced penal<em> </em>mediation.<strong> </strong>Issues raised in this paper is the concept of criminal law enforcement based on the existence of pluralistic and penal mediation as an alternative solution-in the practice of the criminal settlement. Of the studies that have been done that the concept of legal pluralism is no longer emphasizes the dichotomy between the legal system of the state on the one hand with the legal system of the people folk law and religious law on the other side. That law enforcement-based pluralistic more emphasis on interaction and co-existence of the workings of the various legal systems that affect the operation of norms, processes and institutions in masyarakat.Polarisasi law and penal mediation mechanisms can do, as long as it is earnestly desired by all parties ( suspects and victims), as well as to reach a wider interest, namely the maintenance of social harmony. In summary penal mediation would have positive implications philosophically that achieved justice done fast, simple and inexpensive because the parties involved are relatively small compared through the judicial process with the components of the Criminal Justice System


2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 413-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc J. Hetherington

Scholarly research has demonstrated rather conclusively that American political elites have undergone a marked partisan polarization over the past thirty years. There is less agreement, however, as to whether the American electorate is polarized. This review article evaluates the evidence, causes and consequences of polarization on both the elite and mass levels. A marked difference between the two is found. Elites are polarized by almost any definition, although this state of affairs is quite common historically. In contrast, mass attitudes are now better sorted by party, but generally not polarized. While it is unclear whether this potentially troubling disconnect between centrist mass attitudes and extreme elite preferences has negative policy consequences, it appears that the super-majoritarian nature of the US Senate serves as a bulwark against policy outcomes that are more ideologically extreme than the public would prefer. Moreover, a public more centrist than those who represent it has also at times exerted a moderating influence on recent policies.


2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Runions

In her recent book Precarious Life, Judith Butler points out that not more than ten days after 9/11, on 20 September 2001, George W. Bush urged the American people to put aside their grief; she suggests that such a refusal to mourn leads to a kind of national melancholia. Using psychoanalytic theory on melancholia, this article diagnoses causes and effects of such national melancholia. Further, it considers how a refusal to mourn in prophetic and apocalyptic texts and their interpretations operates within mainstream US American politics like the encrypted loss of the melancholic, thus creating the narcissism, guilt, and aggression that sustain the pervasive disavowal of loss in the contemporary moment. This article explore the ways in which the texts of Ezekiel, Micah, Revelation, and their interpreters exhibit the guilt and aggression of melancholia, in describing Israel as an unfaithful and wicked woman whose pain should not be mourned. These melancholic patterns are inherited by both by contemporary apocalyptic discourses and by the discourse of what Robert Bellah calls ‘American civil religion’, in which the US is the new Christian Israel; thus they help to position the public to accept and perpetuate the violence of war, and not to mourn it.


Author(s):  
Ramizah Wan Muhammad ◽  
Khairunnasriah Abdul Salam ◽  
Afridah Abbas ◽  
Nasimah Hussin

Aceh is a special province in Indonesia and different from other Indonesian provinces especially in the context of Shari'ah related laws. Aceh was granted special autonomy and legal right by the Indonesian central government in 2001 to fully apply Islamic law in the province. Generally, Islamic law which is applicable to Muslims in Indonesia is limited to personal laws just as in Malaysia. However, with the passage of time, Islamic law has expanded to include Islamic banking and finance. Besides that, Islamic law in Aceh is also extended to govern criminal matters which are in line with the motto of Aceh Islamic government to apply Islamic law in total or kaffah. Since 1999, the legal administration of Aceh has begun to gradually put in place the institutional framework to ensure that Islamic law is properly administered and implemented. Equally important, such framework is also aimed to ensure that punishments are fairly executed. This paper attempts to analyse the extent of the applicability of Islamic criminal law in Aceh. It is divided into three major parts. The first part discusses the phases in making Aceh an Islamic province and the roles played by Dinas Syariat Islam Aceh as the policy maker in implementing Islamic law as well as educating and training the public about the religion of Islam. The second part gives an overview on the Islamic criminal law and punishment provided in Qanun Aceh No.6/2014 on Hukum Jinayat (hereinafter Qanun Hukum Jinayat or “QHJ”) as well as the criminal procedural law concerning the methods of proof codified in Qanun Aceh No.7/2013 on Hukum Acara Jinayat (hereinafter “QAJ”). The third part of this paper highlights the challenges in the application and implementation of Islamic criminal law in Aceh, and accordingly provides recommendations for the improvement of the provisions in the QHJ and QAJ. Inputs from the interviews with the drafters of QHJ, namely Prof. Dr. Hamid Sarong and Prof. Dr Al Yasa are utilized in preparing this paper. In addition, inputs gathered from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), namely Indonesian Syarie Lawyers Association (APSI) and Jaringan Masyarakat Sipil Peduli Syariah (JMSPS) are employed. The findings of this research are important in providing an in-depth understanding on the framework of Islamic criminal law in Aceh as well as in recognizing the flaws in its application or practical aspects of the law in Aceh. Keywords: Islamic law, Aceh, Administration, Punishment. Abstrak Aceh merupakan sebuah Wilayah Istimewa di Indonesia dibandingkan dengan wilayah-wilayah lain dari segi pelaksanaan undang-undang Islam. Aceh diberi status Wilayah Istimewa yang berautonomi oleh Pemerintah Pusat Indonesia pada tahun 2001 untuk melaksanakan undang-undang Islam secara menyeluruh. Pemakaian dan pelaksanaan undang-undang Islam di Aceh tidak terhad pada Undang-undang jenayah tetapi telah meliputi bidang perbankan dan kewangan Islam. Sejak tahun 1999, Pentadbiran Undang-undang Aceh telah merangka undang-undang bagi memastikan undang-undang Islam dapat ditadbir dan dilaksanakan dengan baik. Selain itu juga, undang-undang yang dirangka juga turut bertujuan untuk memastikan hukuman yang berasaskan undang-undang Islam dapat dilaksanakan secara adil. Oleh itu, kajian dalam kertas kerja ini dibuat uuntuk menganalisa sejauh mana undang-undang jenayah Islam dilaksanakan di Aceh. Kertas ini terbahagi kepada tiga bahagan utama, yang mana bahagian pertama membincangkan latas belakang awal kewujudan wilayah Islam Aceh dan peranan yang dimainkan oleh Dinas Syariat Islam Aceh sebagai mpembuat dasar dalam pelaksanaan undang-undang Islam, mendidik serta menyediakan latihan kepada masyarakat umum di Aceh mengenai Islam. Bahagian kedua menyediakan gambaran umum tentang undang-undang jenayah dan hukuman dalam Islam sebagaimana termaktub dalam Qanun Aceh No.6/2014 berkenaan Hukum Jinayat (“Qanun Hukum Jinayat” atau “QHJ”) serta undang-undang prosedur jenayah berkenaan cara pembuktiaan jenayah sebagaimana yag termaktub dalam Qanun Aceh No.7/2013 berkenaan Hukum Acara Jinayat (“QAJ”). Bahagian ketiga kertas ini menekankan masalah atau cabaran yang dihadapi daam pelaksanaan undang-undang jenayah Islam di Aceh, serta menyediakan cadangan-cadangan bagi penambahbaikan peruntukan-peruntukan yang ada dalam QHJ dan QAJ. Maklumat hasil dari temuramah dengan Prof. Dr. Hamid Sarong dan Prof. Dr Al Yasa telah digunakan bagi menyiapkan makalah ini. Selain itu, maklumat yang diperolehi daripada organisasi bukan kerajaan iaitu Indonesian Syarie Lawyers Association (APSI) dan Jaringan Masyarakat Sipil Peduli Syariah (JMSPS) turut dimanfaatkan. Dapatan dari kajian ini penting bagi menyediakan kefahaman terhadap kerangka undang-undang jenayah Islam di Aceh serta mengenal pasti masalah dalam aspek peruntukan undang-undang tersebut atau pelaksanaannya di Aceh. Kata Kunci: Undang-undang Islam, Aceh, Pentadbiran, Hukuman.


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


Author(s):  
Farhan Zahid

Pakistan remains a country of vital importance for Al-Qaeda. It is primarily because of Al-Qaeda’s advent, rise and shelter and not to mention the support the terrorist organization found at the landscape of Pakistan during the last two decades. The emergence of in Pakistan can be traced back to the Afghan War (1979-89), with a brief sabbatical in Sudan the Islamist terrorist group rose to gain prominence after shifting back to Afghanistan. It then became a global ‘Islamist’ terrorist entity while based in neighboring Afghanistan and found safe havens in the erstwhile tribal areas of Pakistan in the aftermath of the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. Prior to its formation in 1988 in Peshawar (Pakistan), it had worked as Maktab al-Khidmat (Services Bureau) during the Afghan War.2 It had its roots in Pakistan, which had become a transit point of extremists en route to Afghanistan during the War. All high profile Al-Qaeda leaders, later becoming high-value targets, and members of its central Shura had lived in Pakistan at one point in their lives. That is the very reason the Al-Qaeda in Pakistan is termed as Al-Qaeda Core or Central among law enforcement practitioners and intelligence communities. Without going into details of Al-Qaeda’s past in Pakistan the aim of this article is to focus on its current state of affairs and what future lies ahead of it in Pakistan.


This volume addresses the relationship between archaeologists and the dead, through the many dimensions of their relationships: in the field (through practical and legal issues), in the lab (through their analysis and interpretation), and in their written, visual and exhibitionary practice--disseminated to a variety of academic and public audiences. Written from a variety of perspectives, its authors address the experience, effect, ethical considerations, and cultural politics of working with mortuary archaeology. Whilst some papers reflect institutional or organizational approaches, others are more personal in their view: creating exciting and frank insights into contemporary issues that have hitherto often remained "unspoken" among the discipline. Reframing funerary archaeologists as "death-workers" of a kind, the contributors reflect on their own experience to provide both guidance and inspiration to future practitioners, arguing strongly that we have a central role to play in engaging the public with themes of mortality and commemoration, through the lens of the past. Spurred by the recent debates in the UK, papers from Scandinavia, Austria, Italy, the US, and the mid-Atlantic, frame these issues within a much wider international context that highlights the importance of cultural and historical context in which this work takes place.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Carl A. Latkin ◽  
Lauren Dayton ◽  
Jacob R. Miller ◽  
Grace Yi ◽  
Afareen Jaleel ◽  
...  

There is a critical need for the public to have trusted sources of vaccine information. A longitudinal online study assessed trust in COVID-19 vaccine information from 10 sources. A factor analysis for data reduction revealed two factors. The first factor contained politically conservative sources (PCS) of information. The second factor included eight news sources representing mainstream sources (MS). Multivariable logistic regression models were used. Trust in Dr. Fauci was also examined. High trust in MS was associated with intention to encourage family members to get COVID-19 vaccines, altruistic beliefs that more vulnerable people should have vaccine priority, and belief that racial minorities with higher rates of COVID-19 deaths should have priority. High trust in PCS was associated with intention to discourage friends from getting vaccinated. Higher trust in PCS was also associated with participants more likely to disagree that minorities with higher rates of COVID-19 deaths should have priority for a vaccine. High trust in Dr. Fauci as a source of COVID-19 vaccine information was associated with factors similar to high trust in MS. Fair, equitable, and transparent access and distribution are essential to ensure trust in public health systems’ abilities to serve the population.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document