scholarly journals Engines of learning? Policy instruments, cities and climate governance

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Domorenok ◽  
Anthony R. Zito

AbstractThis contribution investigates how combinations of instruments, often called policy mixes, enhance policy learning processes at different levels. It analyzes the European Union’s (EU) Covenant of Mayors (CoM) that is underpinned by a set of learning instruments, to promote local action for sustainable energy and climate. The piece offers an original framework to explore whether and how the Covenant enhances learning at the level of European institutions and among local governments. Drawing on an extensive documentary review and elite interviews in four countries (Germany, Italy, Poland and the UK), the analysis shows that the CoM instrument mix has enhanced certain elements of learning within the actors leading the Covenant as well as many of the local governments within and outside the EU, but only if certain conditions operate, such as political leadership, individual motivation and knowledge and regional coordination mechanisms.

Author(s):  
Margot Horspool ◽  
Matthew Humphreys ◽  
Michael Wells-Greco

Titles in the Core Text series take the reader straight to the heart of the subject, providing focused, concise and reliable guides for students at all levels. The eleventh edition of European Union Law provides a systematic overview of the European institutions and offers thorough, wide-ranging coverage of the key substantive law topics, including separate chapters on competition, discrimination, environmental law and services. It also features a new chapter on the EU and its relationship with third countries, including the UK. Incisive analysis of the governing themes and principles of EU law is consistently delivered, while chapter summaries, critical questions, further reading suggestions and the new ‘Brexit checklist’ feature help to guide the reader through the subject and support further research. Topics covered also include supremacy and direct effect, the European Courts, general principles, free movement of goods and persons and citizenship.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-743 ◽  
Author(s):  
GARY FOOKS ◽  
TOM MILLS

AbstractEuropean Union (EU) law-making has played a key role in promoting social equity in the UK through safer working conditions, enhanced rights for workers, and by reducing environmental pollution. Concerns over its effect on business competitiveness have long been a major driver of Euroscepticism, underpinning criticism of the EU by influential opinion formers within British conservatism. The Leave Campaign argued that EU laws damage the UK economy by imposing unnecessary costs on British business, claiming that EU regulations cost the UK economy £33.3 billion per year. This paper examines the reliability of, and assumptions that underpin, aggregated estimates of the costs and benefits of EU-derived regulation, and considers how the economisation of public policy influences understanding of the social value of regulation. It brings together the findings of studies that have evaluated the accuracy of the estimated costs and benefits in formal impact assessments and analyses impact assessments of EU-derived policy instruments aimed at regulating working conditions. Our findings suggest that aggregated estimates represent poor guides to understanding the social costs and benefits of social regulation and highlight the value of discarding impact assessment estimates of costs and benefits in the context of efforts to shape social policy post-Brexit.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Richards

This article offers a model of psychosocial inquiry in an analysis of the sources of the passionate desire for the UK to leave the EU. It proceeds from separate consideration of the ‘monocular’ modes of both societally- and psychologically-focussed approaches, towards bringing them together in a more ‘binocular’ vision. Firstly, familiar societal explanations are considered, in the perceived losses of material security, of national sovereignty and of indigenous community. It is noted that this level of explanation cannot account for the variations amongst Leave-supporting individuals in the intensity of their anger with the ‘establishment’. Secondly, a depth-psychological approach is explored, noting the contribution of theories of ‘othering’ and focussing on how pro-Brexit anger can be understood as a narcissistic rage against the ‘otherness’ of authority, as represented both by Parliament and the British elites, and by European institutions. Thirdly, a psychosocial ‘binocularity’ is outlined, in which societally-generated anxieties can be seen to interact with the intra-psychic vector of the narcissistic defence. That defence in turn can be seen to have become more prominent in late-modern societies due to cultural changes which have impacted adversely on the capacity for basic trust, so in historical context the psychic dimension folds back into the societal.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goran Dominioni ◽  
Alberto Quintavalla ◽  
Alessandro Romano

In this article, we study spillovers in political trust between the national parliaments of 15 Member States and the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank in the period 2000–2015. We show that in most instances spillovers between the national parliaments and the European Commission and the European Parliament are bidirectional, asymmetric, and change over time and place. A corollary of these findings is that simultaneously achieving high level of trust in institutions at different levels of governance may require a deeper understanding of the complex inter-institutional relationships that exist in the EU multilevel governance setting.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (6) ◽  
pp. 1349-1368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jess Gifkins ◽  
Samuel Jarvis ◽  
Jason Ralph

Abstract The United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union has ramifications beyond the UK and the EU. This article analyses the impact of the Brexit referendum on the UK's political capital in the United Nations Security Council; a dimension of Brexit that has received little attention thus far. Drawing on extensive elite interviews we show that the UK has considerable political capital in the Council, where it is seen as one of the most effective actors, but the reputational costs of Brexit are tarnishing this image. With case-studies on the UK's role in Somalia and Yemen we show how the UK has been able to further its interests with dual roles in the EU and Security Council, and the risks posed by tensions between trade and human rights after Brexit. We also analyse what it takes to be influential within the Security Council and argue that more attention should be paid to the practices of diplomacy. Influence is gained via penholding, strong diplomatic skill and a well-regarded UN permanent representative. The UK accrues political capital as a leader on the humanitarian and human rights side of the Council's agenda, but this reputation is at risk as it exits the EU.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharina Luise Meissner

Among national parliaments (NPs) in the EU, the Austrian Nationalrat and the German Bundestag stand out as strong legislatures in EU affairs. Both parliaments have used their rights to great extent in recent EU negotiations on international agreements such as the one with Canada on a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement. Yet, in the negotiations with the UK their involvement varies. Why is this so? Scholarly work on Brexit so far focused on the European Parliament or the UK parliament, while attention to NPs in the EU27 is scarce. This article fills this void in research by tracing the Austrian and German parliaments’ activities in the Brexit negotiations. Despite similar institutional strength I find that the German Bundestag is more extensively involved, particularly on an informal level, compared to the Austrian Nationalrat. The reason for this is Brexit’s varying saliency in these two countries given their different levels of exposure to the UK’s withdrawal. As saliency of a policy issue is considered a major explanatory factor for why NPs engage in EU affairs, the results of this article confirm this expectation within the realm of EU international negotiations.


Author(s):  
Caroline Saunders ◽  
Meike Guenther ◽  
John Saunders ◽  
Paul Dalziel ◽  
Paul Rutherford

This study examined consumer attitudes towards attributes in food and beverages in China, India, Indonesia, Japan and the UK. The attributes included basic attributes such as price and quality, but also extended to food safety and health benefits, as well as environmental and social attributes. The importance of factors affecting key attributes were examined in more detail. The study used a web-based survey with 1,000 middle and upper income consumers in each country. In addition, the potential economic impact of agricultural returns of different levels of premiums for food attributes in the EU and New Zealand were examined using the partial equilibrium Lincoln Trade and Environment Model (LTEM). This study found that consumers from developing countries valued food attributes more than the developed countries. Trade model projections showed an important impact on the agricultural sectors in the EU and New Zealand from the different levels of premiums for food attributes in selected overseas markets.


Ultrasound ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 177-181
Author(s):  
Jan Dodgeon ◽  
Anne Sykes

This is an account of a two week introductory programme in abdominal ultrasound run at and by the University of Salford (UoS) in the UK, jointly planned and delivered by four European institutions, and funded as an ‘intensive programme’ by the EU Lifelong Learning Programme, in order to promote development of education and practice in diagnostic ultrasound throughout the EU member countries. The course syllabus was embedded within existing modules at UoS. Each partner institution was asked to supply a cohort of students and a teacher to assist with delivery of the programme: 30 students from the four institutions attended the course. The course did not in any way confer or imply any measure of clinical competency and this was clear to all participants. The success of the course proves the value of international healthcare education and brings us a step closer to harmonisation of ultrasound education and practice across Europe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 983-998
Author(s):  
Polly R. Polak

AbstractThis Article highlights the legal and procedural restrictions a Member States faces during its withdrawal from the EU and subsequent talks on a future trade relationship by analyzing the unprecedented case of the UK. One such restriction consists of an obligation to negotiate withdrawal as a result of the principle of sincere cooperation. Other limits derive from the withdrawal process itself, designed as it was by the European institutions on the basis of a very scant Article 50 TEU. By then comparing the three substantive pillars of the EU-UK WA—citizens’ rights, the financial settlement, and the Irish border— with the UK’s initial negotiating red lines, I offer two conclusions: That the aforementioned constraints on the withdrawing state can significantly weaken the defense of its interests during its withdrawal process and that having to agree to important issues in a first and separate stage of “orderly withdrawal” talks also diminishes the state’s bargaining power with regards to the next stage of negotiating a future partnership with the EU.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Magdalena Mostowska

The article examines interpretations of freedom of movement and access to social assistance within the EU Directive 2004/38. Examples of EU migrants’ homelessness are shown to demonstrate the confusing circularity in the regulations. The paper goes on to the development of local governments’ and voluntary organizations’ practice of limiting support to EU migrants in homelessness. Narrower interpretations of the right to reside are a basis for refusing access to benefits or even shelter. Repressive public space practices lead sometimes even to deportations. These interpretations, practices and public discourse are shown on the examples of the Netherlands, the UK and Sweden. Interpretations of the European law, practices and public debate are tools that limit exercising the right to free movement by socially defining and categorising homeless EU migrants as persons whose rights are dependent on their position on the labour market.


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