scholarly journals More than just collateral damage. Ramifications of the pandemic for freedom of the press

Publizistik ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Holtz-Bacha
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Collateral Damage ◽  
Freedom Of Movement ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
Established Democracies

AbstractConfronted with a situation that was new to everyone, world leaders sought the best way to contain the pandemic caused by the coronavirus. The measures introduced, with lockdowns and curfews, affected fundamental rights such as freedom of movement and assembly, with implications for freedom of expression and freedom of the press. Demonstrations against the governments’ COVID-19 policies and the associated encroachments on citizens’ fundamental rights in turn led to attacks on media representatives and thus on the freedom of reporting. They were also further proof that attacks on the freedom of the media no longer come only from the state. The restrictions on journalistic work were by no means a surprise attack on the media, but the continuation of a worldwide trend that has been evident for several years, not only in authoritarian systems, but also in established democracies. For those who fear the free press and its watchdog function, the pandemic provided a welcome opportunity, under the pretext of public health, to tighten the reins a bit more and create facts that will endure beyond the pandemic. Financial support for the media, especially the printed press, to cushion the economic consequences of the pandemic and to secure newspapers for the future, establishes new dependencies that can affect free reporting in the long term.

Justizielle Medienarbeit im Strafverfahren

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Criminal Proceedings ◽  
The Public ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Free Media

In terms of media relations, judicial authorities are caught in a complex area of activity between the freedom of the press and free media coverage on the one hand and upholding the fundamental rights of the accused and third parties on the other. A further particular and multifaceted constitutional significance can in turn be ascribed to the press, radio, television and the new forms of the media, which derives not only from the fundamental right of the freedom of the press and that of media coverage, as stipulated by Art. 5 I 2 of Germany’s Basic Law, but also from the principle of democracy laid down in Art. 20 I of the same law. The regulatory proposal offered in this study represents a model which is both in keeping with the interests of those involved and practicable, and which in this difficult constitutional context will allow judicial authorities to make an appropriate decision with regard to providing the media and the public with information about ongoing criminal proceedings. With contributions by Prof. Dr. Robert Esser, RA Hanns W. Feigen, RA Prof. Dr. Björn Gercke, PräsLKA a.D. Wolfgang Hertinger, Prof. Dr. Gerrit Hornung, Dr. Horst Hund, Prof. Dr. Albert Ingold, Prof. Dr. Dieter Kugelmann, RiAG Dr. Markus Mavany, Min Herbert Mertin, Steffen Rittig, Prof. Dr. Josef Ruthig, Prof. Dr. Mark A. Zöller.

SLOBODA ŠTAMPE PREMA VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ružica Kijevčanin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Human Freedom ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Practical Application ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Press ◽  
Political Right

In this paper, the author starts from the thesis that freedom of expression, which is best reflected in freedom of the press, as the central public media of the time, was a clear indicator of the level of development of the newly created Yugoslav society. The press in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was a clear example of existing social antagonisms. Although the Vidovdan Constitution paid attention to this fundamental human freedom, classifying it as a political right of citizens, the manner of its regulation and practical application indicated limitations, immaturity and unwillingness of society to face its own weaknesses, ie the weaknesses of the ruling establishment, but also all important political factors. According to the letter of the constitution, freedom of the press is guaranteed, but with restrictions. These restrictions, such as the possibility of introducing censorship in cases provided by law, clearly raised the question of whether the existence of freedom of expression could be discussed at all in this period. The enjoyment of freedom of the press was concretized by a later law which found a foothold in the Constitution. Historical facts most faithfully reflect the situation in this area, but also the importance of the issue, through reflection on everyday political, cultural, educational, economic and social relations. After 100 years, the violation of freedom of the press is referred to as a violation of media freedom, which means that restrictions and violations of the rules have not been eradicated, but only shaped into new terminology, ie a new appearance.

scholarly journals The right to know and freedom of expression in the Arab world in the Digital Age

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Iman Mohamed Zahra ◽  
Hosni Mohamed Nasr
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Digital Age ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Right To Know ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Right To Know ◽  
Arab States ◽  
The Right

'The right to know' represents a fundamental and vital human right. Progress and development of nations fully require information freedom and knowledge sharing. Using a qualitative analysis of a sample of information and press laws in most of Arab states, this paper aims at discussing 'the right to know' from different perspectives while highlighting the surrounding aspects and their consequences on the right of freedom of expression in those states. The paper also tends to clarify the effects of new media on the vision and practices of governments regarding 'the right to know' and the freedom of the press in the digital age. Moreover, the paper analyzes the different types of censorship the Arab states use to control the new media. Findings shed light on different aspect of 'the right to know' within the different challenges of the digital age and clarify the strong bondage of this right with the other human rights, especially freedom of expression and freedom of the press.

Illiberals and Autocrats Unite to Craft a New World Media Order

2019 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 1950024
Author(s):  
James M. Dorsey
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New World ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Fourth Estate ◽  
World Government ◽  
The Press

Underlying global efforts to counter fake news, psychological warfare and manipulation of public opinion is a far more fundamental battle: the global campaign by civilizationalists, illiberals, autocrats and authoritarians to create a new world media order that would reject freedom of the press and reduce the fourth estate to scribes and propaganda outlets. The effort appears to have no limits. Its methods range from seeking to reshape international standards defining freedom of expression and the media; the launch and/or strengthening of government-controlled global, regional, national and local media in markets around the world; government acquisition of stakes in privately-owned media; advertising in independent media dependent on advertising revenue; funding of think-tanks; demonization; coercion; repression; and even assassination. The effort to create a new media world order is closely linked to attempts to a battle between liberals and non-liberals over concepts of human rights, the roll-out of massive Chinese surveillance systems in China and beyond and a contest between the United States and China for dominance of the future of technology. The stakes in these multiple battles could not be higher. They range from basic human and minority rights to issues of transparency, accountability and privacy, human rights, the role of the fourth estate as an independent check on power, freedom of expression and safeguards for human and physical dignity. The battles are being waged in an environment in which a critical mass of world leaders appears to have an unspoken consensus on the principles of governance that should shape a new world order. Men like Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Victor Orbán, Benjamin Netanyahu, Mohammed bin Salman, Mohammed bin Zayed, Narendra Modi, Rodrigo Duterte, Jair Bolsonaro, Win Myint and Donald J. Trump have all to varying degrees diluted the concepts of human rights and undermined freedom of the press. If anything, it is this tacit understanding among the world’s foremost leaders that in shaping a new world order constitutes the greatest threat to liberal values.

Freedom of the press and perceptions about government corruption

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 554-566 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flavin ◽  
Fielding Montgomery
Keyword(s):  
Political Corruption ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Free Press ◽  
Present Evidence ◽  
Government Corruption ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Relationship

The media can play an important role in the relationship between citizens and their government by acting as a watchdog and providing timely information about malfeasance and corruption. We examine whether citizens’ perceptions of government corruption are closer to country experts’ assessments in countries where there are higher levels of press freedom. Using data on citizens’ perceptions of government corruption and country expert evaluations of levels of political corruption for over 100 countries, we present evidence that the relationship between expert measures of corruption and citizens’ perceptions is heightened as the level of press freedom increases across our sample. These findings suggest that a free press can play an important role in bringing corruption to light, educating citizens, and potentially allowing them to better hold their elected officials accountable.

scholarly journals A Publicidade Abusiva Promovida pela C&A A Luz Do Estado de Direito Democrático

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 216
Author(s):  
Flávia Dias Duarte e Silva ◽  
Gualter Souza Andrade Júnior
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Consumer Protection ◽  
Sexual Behaviors ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
National Council ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
The Media ◽  
Valentine's Day

<p><strong>RESUMO</strong></p><p>Comprar, vender e trocar, atos corriqueiros no dia a dia de todos os consumidores. Apesar de que o simples fato de acender uma luz caracteriza o exercício de consumir, percebe-se que hodiernamente o consumismo de fato, tornou-se um hábito rotineiro. Com o intuito de atrair as pessoas a consumirem, os fornecedores fazem uso da publicidade, para tanto eles utilizam comerciais que são veiculados na televisão, panfletos, banners, enfim nos diversos veículos de comunicação existentes, e toda essa “manobra comercial” ocorre para fazer com que os consumidores conheçam e comprem determinados produtos ou adquiram serviços.  Infelizmente, algumas publicidades propagadas pelos veículos de comunicação podem ser consideradas abusivas, por isso os publicitários gozam de uma liberdade de expressão limitada, devendo sempre respeitar os Direitos do Consumidor. Diante disso, o presente trabalho vislumbrou propiciar o entendimento do que vem a ser a publicidade abusiva. Para estudar o referido tema, pertinente se fez o estudo de uma campanha publicitária considerada abusiva, intitulada “Papai-Mamãe Não, C&amp;A Sim”, referida campanha consistia na veiculação de três vídeos que faziam menção a frase além de encartes que eram distribuídos nas lojas C&amp;A ao alcance de crianças e adolescentes, estes traziam desenhos de bonecos que faziam alusão a práticas dos namorados de dar flores ou dar as mãos como sendo proibidas e incitava os consumidores, em todo o conteúdo publicitário, a comportamentos sexuais no dia dos namorados. Em atenção aos direitos do consumidor órgãos como o CONAR (Conselho Nacional de Autorregulamenteção Publicitária) e principalmente o PROCON observando princípios elencados no rol de direitos fundamentais insculpidos na Constituição Federal essenciais para a garantia da efetividade do Estado de Direito Democrático além das disposições elencadas no Código de Defesa do Consumidor declaram ser a campanha publicitária dotada de abusividade tendo em vista que o consumidor é considerado a parte mais fraca em uma relação consumerista, assim referida campanha fere o disposto no artigo 37, §2º do Código de Defesa do Consumidor que veda a publicidade abusiva além de desrespeitar valores morais e princípios éticos vigentes no atual Estado de Direito Democrático.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Publicidade abusiva. Código de Defesa do Consumidor. Papai-Mamãe Não.</p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>Buy, sell and trade, unexceptional acts in everyday life for all consumers. Although the mere fact of turning on a light, characterize the exercise of consuming, we realize that in our times consumerism in fact, has become a routine habit. In order to attract people to consume, the providers make use of advertising, therefore they use commercials that are aired on television, flyers, banners, and finally in the various existing communication vehicles. And this whole "business maneuvering" is to make that consumers know and buy certain goods or acquire services. Unfortunately some advertisements propagated by the media may be considered abusive so advertisers enjoy a limited freedom of expression and they must always respect the rights of Consumers. Thus, the present work is to provide an understanding of what is abusive advertising. To study the cited topic, a relevant study of an advertising campaign deemed abusive, titled "Dad - Mom No, C &amp; A Yes". This campaign consisted in airing three videos that made mention to the phrase as well as booklets that were distributed in C &amp; A stores at the reach of children and teenagers. They brought drawings of dolls that made reference to valentines practices of giving flowers or holding hands as being a prohibited act and besides incited consumers within the whole advertising content, to sexual behaviors on Valentine's Day. In response to consumer rights, bodies as CONAR (National Council for Advertising Self-Regulation) and mostly PROCON observing the principles named in the list of fundamental rights sculptured in the Federal Constitution, which is essential for ensuring the effectiveness of rule of Law beyond the provisions listed in the Code of Consumer, they declared the campaign abusive in order that the consumer is regarded as the weaker part in a consumerist relationship. So this campaign hurts the provisions of Article 37 , § 2 of the Code of Consumer Protection, that prohibits abusive advertising, besides disregarding moral values and ethical principles in effect in the current democratic rule of law.</p><p><strong>Keywords :</strong> Consumer . Abusive advertising. Code of Consumer Protection. Dad-Mom no.</p>

scholarly journals PROTECTION ON FREEDOM OF THE PRESS FOR FOREIGN JOURNALISTS AND JOURNALISTIC VISA IN INDONESIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
Fianka Aiza ◽  
Lena Farsia
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
National Security ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Legal Rules ◽  
Legal Method ◽  
The Press ◽  
Freedom Of Press ◽  
The Law

This study analyses how Indonesia enforces the law to protect the freedom of the press for foreign journalists and imposes strict visa regulations on them. The method used to conduct this research is the normative legal method. This study shows that Indonesia upholds human rights such as freedom of expression, but there are no specific legal rules to uphold such rights over foreign journalists. Rules are only available on the enactment of a journalistic visa. Therefore, it is recommended for Indonesia's Lawmakers to compose a new Law to uphold the rights and obligations of foreign journalists while they are in Indonesia and develop a monitoring body for foreign journalists so that Indonesia can ensure the protection of freedom of the press and the national security. Keywords: Foreign journalists; Freedom of Press; Journalistic Visa.

scholarly journals Qual Liberdade de Imprensa? A Imprensa Concebida como um "Fórum Aberto" ou como um "Cão de Guarda Privilegiado"

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Elo Rytter
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
Open Forum ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Regulation ◽  
The Press ◽  
Prior Restraint

QUAL LIBERDADE DE IMPRENSA? A IMPRENSA CONCEBIDA COMO UM “FÓRUM ABERTO” OU COMO UM “CÃO DE GUARDA PRIVILEGIADO” WHICH FREEDOM OF THE PRESS? THE PRESS CONCEIVED AS AN 'OPEN FORUM' OR A 'PRIVILEGED WATCHDOG'  RESUMO: O artigo examina o significado histórico e contemporâneo de “liberdade de imprensa” no direito constitucional e nos direitos humanos. Existem duas concepções diferentes, a concepção restrita define a liberdade de imprensa como a liberdade de cada um para publicar sem censura prévia, a concepção mais ampla define-a como uma liberdade privilegiada da imprensa organizada para reunir e informar sobre informações de interesse público. Essas duas concepções têm respostas muito diferentes para a questão de saber se a imprensa deve desfrutar de algum privilégio de isenção da legislação ordinária, quando tal legislação restringe o limite da imprensa para informar o público a respeito de questões de interesse público. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Liberdade de imprensa; Liberdade de expressão; Regulação da mídia; Privilégios da imprensa. ABSTRACT: The article surveys the historical and current meaning of "Freedom of the Press" in constitutional and human rights law. Two different conceptions exist, the narrow one defining freedom of the press as the freedom of every one to publish without prior restraint, the broader one defining it as a privileged freedom of the organised press to gather and report on information of public interest. These two conceptions have very different answers to the question of whether the press should enjoy some privilege to be exempt from ordinary legislation when such legislation restricts the access of the press to inform the public on matters of public interest. KEYWORDS: Freedom of the press; Freedom of expression; Media regulation; Press Privileges.

The Media

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Baker
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
Societal Needs ◽  
Legal Responses ◽  
The Press ◽  
The World ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
The Media

Authoritarian regimes regularly rely on murdering journalists, jailing editors, and censoring the media to remain in power and to carry out their objectives. In 2001, thirty-seven journalists were reportedly killed in connection with their work, two-thirds apparently by governments or their supporters who did not like to take the heat of criticism. Ruling elites in market-economy democratic states primarily rely instead on owning or controlling the media or creating conditions in which the media naturally represent the world in a manner congenial to these elites' interests. This article is organized as follows. Section 1 describes debates concerning the normative premises for freedom of the press, premises that reject the censorship required by authoritarian regimes and occasionally imposed by democratic states. Section 2 describes the more pragmatic controversies centring on legal responses to the more indirect democratic threats posed by ruling elites in democratic market societies. Beyond the rejection of overt censorship, it discusses the debates over what legal treatment of the press best supports democracy while appropriately taking account of other societal needs.

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