Diminishing Returns? Prime Minister Koizumi’s Visits to the Yasukuni Shrine in the Context of East Asian Nationalisms

East Asia ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phil Deans
Author(s):  
Okuyama Michiaki

The problem of issues surrounding Yasukuni Shrine is one of the main topics in religion and politics in contemporary Japan. This paper tries to approach the Yasukuni Shrine problem, first by contextualizing this problem in the East Asian settings, then by reviewing the recent court cases surrounding Yasukuni Shrine, and finally by commenting on two documentary films focusing on this problem. Examining the reactions by the Chinese government to the visits paid by Japanese politicians since the mid-1970s shows that these visits, to the place where the class A war criminals are enshrined, has been regarded in the Chinese official view as offensive to the victims of the aggressive wars of Japan. The recent court cases targeting mainly the former Prime Minister Koizumi’s repeated visits to Yasukuni Shrine are worth special attention because they have involved Koreans and Taiwanese besides Japanese as the plaintiffs. These cases have presented constitutional points of dispute for both Japanese and other Asian people. These situations have set the backdrop of the production and screening of the documentary films, Annyong, Sayonara (2005), and Yasukuni (2007). These two films illustrate not only the current problem of Yasukuni Shrine but also the surrounding setting of this problem in East Asia.


Subject The outlook for Indian naval engagement with South-east Asian countries and ASEAN. Significance At the ASEAN summit in mid-November, India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi underlined India's 'Look East' policy, pledging to cultivate diplomatic, economic and security relationships with South-east Asia. One manifestation of Delhi's willingness to undertake a more strategic regional role is the Indian navy's growing portfolio of partnerships with South-east Asian navies. Amid concerns over China's maritime assertiveness, India's navy has been welcomed in the region as a security partner. Impacts India will avoid South-east Asian undertakings that may provoke China. Delhi will need to define 'Look East' policies concretely to convince South-east Asia fully of Indian strategic utility. Modi will expand bilateral naval exercises, humanitarian aid and counter-piracy/smuggling efforts in South-east Asia.


Significance The kings of Malaysia and Thailand, respectively, are at the centre of attention amid their countries’ ongoing political crises. The pandemic-related state of emergency declared by Malaysia’s king has eased pressure on the beleaguered prime minister. Pro-democracy protesters in Thailand continue to press for reform of the country’s monarchy. Impacts Under President Joe Biden, the United States will urge several South-east Asian countries to improve their human rights records. Malaysia’s premier will face pressure from governing partners and opponents alike to call snap elections as soon as the emergency ends. The Thai establishment will steadfastly resist calls for monarchical reform.


Subject The implications of judicial politicisation in South-east Asia. Significance A Malaysian court on February 10 upheld Pakatan Rakyat opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim's sodomy conviction. This has widely been interpreted as being politically motivated, although Malaysia's government has denied this. Such cases ignite public calls across South-east Asia for the independence of judiciaries, which have become deeply involved in national politics. Impacts Lese majeste and corruption cases will increase as the Thai junta suppresses former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's allies. Aquino could pursue constitutional changes to limit the judiciary's power. Elite polarisation after 2014's presidential election will test the Indonesian Constitutional Court's independence. Increasingly, social media will be used for political dissent, which governments will resist.


Subject Profile of Minister of Defence Tomomi Inada. Significance Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's appointment this month of Tomomi Inada as defence minister was depicted as provocative by spokespeople in Seoul and Beijing. South Korea's SBS television called her "a right-winger who rejects the comfort women issue and the rulings of the Tokyo [war crimes] tribunal", while Chinese state-run television reported that Inada "has visited Yasukuni Shrine many times" and "denies Japan's history of aggression". Inada has occupied a high-profile role since her election to the lower house in 2005, and even before that championed revisionist causes. Impacts As a new face in a key cabinet position Inada will refresh the LDP's image. In interviews since her appointment Inada has shown restraint, suggesting that policy will not shift markedly to the right. Abe's government has always had close links with the far right; Inada's appointment is not a new direction.


Significance Co-chaired by Moscow and ASEAN's 2016 chair, Vientiane, President Vladimir Putin presided with new Laotian Prime Minister Thongloun Sisoulith. Impacts ASEAN states will warm to greater Russian regional involvement, using this to balance Chinese and US advances. Russia will not materially weigh in on South-east Asian geopolitical disputes. Deeper ASEAN-Russia economic ties would help develop Russia's Far East. China and Japan face increasing Russian investment competition in South-east Asia. Tourism between Russia and South-east Asia is likely to grow.


Author(s):  
Marina Glaser ◽  
◽  
Nikolay Novik ◽  
Nikita Bondarenko ◽  
◽  
...  

The article examines the tactics of forgetting as a strategic instrument of the politics of memory of East Asian countries. These types of forgetting are explicated in cases of Indonesia and Japan. In the case of Indonesia, the phenomenon of forgetting is manifested in the historical memory of the violence against the political rivals of the ruling regime and ethnic minorities in the 1960s and 1980s. In the case of Japan, the phenomenon of forgetting was studied in the politics of memory of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in Japan — South Korea bilateral relations. To reveal the specifics of the approach of East Asian countries to the implementation of their politics of memory, the typology of forgetting proposed by the English sociologist Paul Connerton was used. The authors demonstrated specific features of the East Asian approach to the politics of memory. This research revealed similarities and differences between Japanese and Indonesian approaches to forgetting. Analysis of these cases helped to identify difficulties of East Asian countries to find mutual understanding in issues of interpretation of their historical past. The possibility of reaching mutual agreements in the medium-term agenda is not visible.


2016 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Harris Rimmer

The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation. Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies. Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region.


Subject Singapore-US relations. Significance On April 30, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong spoke with US President Donald Trump. For Trump, the call was an initial move to strengthen ties with Washington’s partners in South-east Asia amid the North Korean crisis. Lee accepted an invitation to Washington. For Singapore, the call was about gauging a new, thus far mercurial US administration which, to Singapore’s concern, has expressed protectionist trade sentiments and relatively limited detail about its foreign policy aims in East and South-east Asia. Impacts The current lack of a US ambassador to Singapore is not unprecedented and will not greatly affect bilateral relations. China-Singapore ties are warmer, but any overly assertive Chinese efforts to gain South-east Asian influence could change this. Singapore will push for a reworked version of the TPP to be devised, with Japanese leadership.


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