scholarly journals Public Actors Without Public Values: Legitimacy, Domination and the Regulation of the Technology Sector

Author(s):  
Linnet Taylor

AbstractThe scale and asymmetry of commercial technology firms’ power over people through data, combined with the increasing involvement of the private sector in public governance, means that increasingly, people do not have the ability to opt out of engaging with technology firms. At the same time, those firms are increasingly intervening on the population level in ways that have implications for social and political life. This creates the potential for power relations of domination, and demands that we decide what constitutes the legitimacy to act on the public. Business ethics and private law are not designed to answer these questions, which are primarily political. If people have lost the right to disengage with commercial technologies, we may need to hold the companies that offer them to the same standards to which we hold the public sector. This paper first defines the problem and demonstrates that it is significant and widespread, and then argues for the development of an overarching normative framework for what constitutes non-domination with regard to digital technologies. Such a framework must involve a nuanced idea of political power and accountability that can respond not only to the legality of corporate behaviour, but to its legitimacy.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linnet Taylor

The scale and asymmetry of commercial technology firms’ power over people through data, combined with the increasing involvement of the private sector in public governance, means that increasingly people do not have the ability to opt out of engaging with technology firms. At the same time, those firms are increasingly intervening on the population level in ways that have implications for social and political life. This creates the potential for power relations of domination, and demands that we decide what constitutes the legitimacy to act on the public. Business ethics and private law are not designed to answer these questions, which are primarily political. If people have lost the right to disengage with commercial technologies, we may need to hold the companies that offer them to the same standards to which we hold the public sector. This paper therefore argues for the development of an overarching normative framework for what constitutes non-domination with regard to digital technologies. Such a framework must involve a nuanced idea of political power and accountability that can respond not only to the legality of corporate behaviour, but to its legitimacy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 621-642
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the creation, social structure, quantity, financing and main activity directions of the monarchist organizations in Odessa in 1904 – 1917. Odessa became one of the centers of the monarchist movement in Russia, in the period under consideration there were about ten right-wing organizations in the area, some of them being subsidiaries of the all-Russia parties, and some – independent parties. High degree of the city population politicization was conditioned by sharp interethnic and economic contradictions and became the cause of mass monarchic movement, while mixed social structure and personal conflicts among monarchist leaders promoted the split of active monarchist organizations in Odessa and the appearance of the new ones. Right-wing parties in Odessa played a prominent role in the public and political life of the city, especially in 1906 -1912. Then due to various reasons this influence started to decrease. With the beginning of the First World War the monarchist movement in Odessa experienced certain growth. However, the draft of right-wing activists to the army filed forces, the decrease of monarchist ideas popularity in society, as well as social and economic difficulties of the war time, very soon led to the critical weakening of the right organizations in Odessa, followed by their disappearance from the political arena in February of 1917.


Author(s):  
Amos Bishi ◽  
Antonio Rodrigues

This paper seeks to bring to light the contemporary landscape of digital technology at the National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ) and its move towards the provision of access and awareness of its historical collections through technology. The institution has geared towards opening its doors to the public through outreach programmes; public exhibitions; websites; oral history projects; publications and broadcasting archives with changing circumstances. The ideology of taking the archives to the citizens has paved way for outreach archivists to do the right thing, in line with their obligations to provide access to information. The National Archives of Zimbabwe, like any other archive, preserves records that have been selected for permanent preservation because of their historical and enduring value. The paper explores the challenges faced by the public archivist in the management of traditional and analogue archives and the subsequent need for transition to digital technologies. The adoption of digital technologies in the management of public archives will enable the public archivists to provide faster and easier access to the archival materials. Digital technologies enhance information sharing and reduce redundancy of the collections. The researchers used a qualitative case study methodology with an interpretivist perspective where the main focus of the research was on the NAZ’s Public Archive. Interviews, document analysis and observations were used as the major data collecting methods. The results showed that the institution had made a good start, encouraging progress and was still working on the migration from analogue technology to full adoption of digital technology.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-108
Author(s):  
Ayo Næsborg-Andersen ◽  
Bassah Khalaf

Previous studies show a lack of deference and activities when it comes to women’s human rights and gender equality in the multi-level governance of the Arctic. According to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, women in the Arctic are vulnerable, in particular indigenous and rural women. Their rights are not upheld in the Arctic states for example when it comes to exposure to violence, equal participation in governing bodies, and economic self-support. The public governing bodies have almost no focus on gender equality at all, despite far-reaching international obligations and, for several of the states, national ambitious agendas for gender equality politics. International instruments with obligations to strive for gender equality, such as the CEDAW, the ILO Convention 169 and UNDRIP, are scarcely referred to and not sufficiently implemented by the public governance bodies.The aim of this article is to raise awareness of the obligations set up by human rights documents to promote women’s rights in the governance of the Arctic, in order to put pressure on the states to develop strategies for a future gender equal governance. We have a special focus on the general lack of awareness within public governance, and on men’s intimate partner violence against indigenous women.


Focaal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (67) ◽  
pp. 123-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tommaso Bobbio

This article proposes a non conventional analysis of the most significant phenomenon that has marked Indian political life in the past decade. The electoral competition for the 2014 general election is played around two main elements, namely, the selection of convincing prime ministerial candidates and the definition of electoral coalitions. In this perspective, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the main party of the right-wing coalition (National Democratic Alliance, NDA), has taken a decisive step by selecting Narendra Modi as its front man for the electoral campaign, and thus the “natural” candidate for the post of prime minister in case of success. A highly controversial figure, Modi polarized the public debate for over a decade: he is either considered a fascist politician or he is praised for the high economic growth rates achieved by the state under his government. This article proposes to move beyond such a dichotomy to highlight Modi's complexity and success in promoting a political culture that merged religious traditionalism and neoliberal economic arguments. Whether his coalition will win the election or not, and whether he will become the next prime minister or not, is greatly significant to the future of India and to the possibility of the many contradictions and diversities that underpin the Indian democracy being conciliated.


Subject Profile of Pablo Iglesias. Significance Pablo Iglesias consolidated his leadership of Podemos during the second half of 2014 and is leading a major challenge to both the governing Popular Party (PP) and the opposition Socialist Party (PSOE) in this year's local, regional and general elections. A specialist in political communication who became well known as a TV presenter and political chat-show participant, his personal credibility will be crucial to Podemos's performance. Impacts Iglesias benefits from being a familiar face to Spaniards yet relatively new to national political life. At a time when nearly all institutions have been discredited in the public eye, his is the main party to offer a new start. He has pledged to call elections to a constituent assembly and supports Catalan demands for the 'right to decide' the relationship to Spain.


Subject Anti-trust action against technology firms in Europe and the United States. Significance The European Commission fined Google 4.34 billion euros (5.1 billion dollars) in mid-July, for abusing its market power in the mobile internet sector. The move has prompted criticism in the United States and underlines the different approaches adopted towards the technology sector by their respective anti-trust regulators. Impacts The relative lack of large European technology firms will help enable tough moves on US tech firms by the Commission. Emerging markets, such as India, will also soon begin to crack down on the near-monopolies of 'big tech'. Rising inequality and wage stagnation will increase the public pressure for regulatory tightening.


Author(s):  
Amos Bishi ◽  
Antonio Rodrigues

This paper seeks to bring to light the contemporary landscape of digital technology at the National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ) and its move towards the provision of access and awareness of its historical collections through technology. The institution has geared towards opening its doors to the public through outreach programmes; public exhibitions; websites; oral history projects; publications and broadcasting archives with changing circumstances. The ideology of taking the archives to the citizens has paved way for outreach archivists to do the right thing, in line with their obligations to provide access to information. The National Archives of Zimbabwe, like any other archive, preserves records that have been selected for permanent preservation because of their historical and enduring value. The paper explores the challenges faced by the public archivist in the management of traditional and analogue archives and the subsequent need for transition to digital technologies. The adoption of digital technologies in the management of public archives will enable the public archivists to provide faster and easier access to the archival materials. Digital technologies enhance information sharing and reduce redundancy of the collections. The researchers used a qualitative case study methodology with an interpretivist perspective where the main focus of the research was on the NAZ’s Public Archive. Interviews, document analysis and observations were used as the major data collecting methods. The results showed that the institution had made a good start, encouraging progress and was still working on the migration from analogue technology to full adoption of digital technology.


2012 ◽  
pp. 101-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Orekhovsky

In the paper the nature of Russian corruption is considered along the lines proposed by D. North, J. Wallis, and B. Weingast. The author considers patron-client networks as basic political and economic actors of the limited access order. The redistributive rent allocated within patron-client networks is not a corruption phenomenon. The main factor that is able to destroy patron-client networks and autonomous centers of power is the right to contestation (liberalization) according to R. Dahl. Realization of that right together with the right to participate in political life enables transition to the open access society.


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