scholarly journals Contraceptive use among women with kidney transplants in the United States

Author(s):  
Silvi Shah ◽  
Annette L. Christianson ◽  
Shalini Bumb ◽  
Prasoon Verma

Abstract Background Kidney transplant improves reproductive function in women with end-stage kidney disease. Little is known about contraceptive use in women with history of kidney transplants. Methods Using data from the United States Renal Data System, we evaluated for each calendar year women with kidney transplantation between 1/1/2005 and 12/31/2013 who were aged 15–44 years with Medicare as the primary payer and linked data from the United Network for Organ Sharing, for up to three entire years after the date of transplantation. We determined rates of contraceptive use and used multivariable logistic regression to identify factors associated with contraceptive use. Results The study cohort included 13,150 women and represented 26,624 person-years. The rate of contraceptive use was 9.5%. Compared to women aged 15–24 years, contraceptive use was lower in women aged 30–34 years (OR 0.67; CI 0.58–0.78), 35–39 years (OR 0.36; CI 0.31–0.43), and 40–44 years (OR 0.23; CI 0.19–0.28). Compared to white women, contraceptive use was higher both in black women (OR 1.26; CI 1.10–1.43) and Native American women (OR 1.52; CI 1.02–2.26). Women had lower rates of contraceptive use in the second-year post-transplant (OR 0.87; CI 0.79–0.94) and the third-year post-transplant (OR0.69; CI 0.62–0.76) than in the first-year post-transplant. Women with a history of diabetes had a lower likelihood of contraceptive use (OR 0.80; CI 0.65–0.99). Conclusion Among women with kidney transplants, contraceptive use remains low at 9.5%. Factors associated with a higher likelihood of contraceptive use include younger age and black and Native American race/ethnicity; and second- and third-year post-transplant. The history of diabetes is associated with a lower likelihood of contraceptive use. The study highlights the need of increasing awareness for safe and effective contraceptive use in women with kidney transplants.

Anthropology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bronwen Douglas ◽  
Dario Di Rosa

This article situates ethnohistory historically, conceptually, methodologically, and geographically in relation to its intertwined “parent” disciplines of anthropology and history. As a named interdisciplinary inquiry, ethnohistory emerged in the United States in the mid-1950s in the “applied” context of academic involvement in Native American land claims hearings after 1946. However, anthropology (the science of humanity) has overlapped, intersected, or diverged from history (study or knowledge of the past) since becoming a distinct field in Europe in the mid-18th century and gradually professionalized as an academic discipline from the 1830s, initially in Russia (see Before Boas: The genesis of ethnography and ethnology in the German Enlightenment [Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 2015], cited under Anthropology and History). Anthropological approaches oscillated between historicization and its neglect or denial, with recurring tension between event and system, process and structure, diachrony and synchrony. In the late 18th and 19th centuries, ethnology (comparative study of peoples or races, their origins and development) was distinguished from the natural history of man and from anthropology (the science of race), initially in France. From the 1860s to the 1920s, Anglophone anthropological theory was dominated by the opposed doctrines of sociocultural evolution and diffusion—both superficially historical but largely ahistorical processes. For the next half century, prevailing functionalist, structuralist, and culturalist discourses mostly denied knowable history to ethnography’s purportedly vanishing “primitive” subjects. This uneven, agonistic disciplinary history did not encourage a subfield uniting anthropology and history. However, after 1950, in global contexts of anticolonialism, decolonization, and movements for Indigenous or egalitarian rights, anthropologists, historians, and archaeologists developed the hybrid fields of Ethnohistory and Ethnographic History, which flourished for half a century. Practitioners transcended ethnohistory’s spatial and conceptual roots in the United States and Canada to investigate Indigenous or African American pasts in Latin America and the Caribbean, Indigenous or local pasts in Africa, Asia, and Oceania, and non-Indigenous pasts in Europe and elsewhere. The need to incorporate Indigenous or popular histories and viewpoints was increasingly emphasized. From the 1980s, ethnohistory was condemned as Eurocentric, outdated, even racist, by postcolonial and postmodern critiques (see: The state of ethnohistory. Annual Review of Anthropology 20 (1991):345–375, cited under General Overviews). The label’s usage declined in the 21st century in favor of the already established terms anthropological history or historical anthropology, or the emergent fields of Anthropology of History, historical consciousness, and historicity.


1969 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-105
Author(s):  
John P. Marschall

In spite of the nativism that agitated the United States during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, the Catholic Church experienced a noticeable drift of native American converts from other denominations. Between 1841 and 1857 the increased number of converts included a significant sprinkling of Protestant ministers. The history of this movement, which had its paradigm in the Oxford Movement, will be treated more in detail elsewhere. The purpose of this essay is simply to recount the attempt by several converts to establish a religious congregation of men dedicated to the Catholic apostolate among native Americans.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (27_suppl) ◽  
pp. 288-288
Author(s):  
Thi Khuc ◽  
Christian Jackson

288 Background: Colorectal cancer (CRC) is the second most common cause of cancer deaths in the United States and expected to cause 51,020 deaths in 2019. Early detection with yearly fecal occult blood test (FOBT) has been proven to decrease CRC mortality. A 30-day delay from positive FOBT to colonoscopy is associated with increased risk of CRC. The Veterans Affairs Health System (VAHS) treats approximately 11% of CRCs in the United States. The effects of an aging population, physician shortage, and increased military personnel entering the VAHS may increase demands on VAHS resources. The primary aim of this study was to determine risk factors that caused delay to colonoscopy. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed records of 600 patients referred for colonoscopy from January 1999 to January 2009, who were subsequently diagnosed with CRC. Patients with a prior CRC diagnosis were excluded. The final study cohort consisted of 530 patients. We analyzed the relationship between 10 variables and delay in time from initial consultation to colonoscopy. Variables consisted of age, sex, race, ethnicity, CRC location, marital status, history of mental health diagnosis, tobacco use, substance abuse, Charlson/Deyo (C/D) score and season of referral for colonoscopy. A delay in time was defined as 30 days or greater. Logistic regression analysis adjusted for age, race, CRC location and C/D score. Results: A total of 87.17% of patients experienced a delay in time from initial consultation to colonoscopy. When analyzed with a predictive variable of delay to colonoscopy, C/D score of ≥ 2 versus 0, was associated with higher odds of delay in time to colonoscopy (OR = 2.18, p = 0.02). African American race and Hispanic ethnicity was associated with a higher odds of delay in time to colonoscopy, but was not statistically significant (OR = 1.47, p = 0.47, OR = 1.37, p = 0.48). Conclusions: Patients with a C/D score ≥ 2 were 218% more likely to have delay in time from initial consult to colonoscopy, resulting in a delayed CRC diagnosis. C/D score may be used to determine which patients should have more frequent reminders to schedule their colonoscopy to prevent delays in care. Randomized and prospective studies will need to be performed.


Author(s):  
Michael P. Guéno

Religion was a point of cultural conflict, political motivation, and legal justification throughout the European and American colonization of North America. Beginning in the 14th century, Catholic monarchs invoked Christian doctrine and papal law to claim Native American “heathenry” or “infidelity” as legal grounds that legitimized or mandated their policies of military invasion and territorial occupation. More progressive Christian thinkers argued for the recognition of Native Americans as human beings entitled to certain natural-law protections that morally obligated Spain to conquer and convert them for their own benefit. Spain and France worked with the church throughout the 16th and 17th centuries to establish missions throughout seized Native American territories, while English colonists often segregated Native Americans into “praying towns” for their moral benefit or the sanctity of the colonies. After the United States declared independence, American politicians quickly identified dissolution of Native American cultures as a necessary step in undermining tribal saliency and in ensuring the political dominion of state and federal governments. By the 19th century, policymakers were convinced that encouraging Indians to put aside their “savage ways” would help tribal populations achieve cultural and spiritual salvation through Christianity. In 1869, President Grant initiated a “Peace Policy” that granted Christian missions contracts and federal funding to civilize and Christianize the Native American peoples of assigned reservations. The federal government established boarding schools for the children of tribal communities to teach English, Christianity, and occupational skills in order to “Kill the Indian in him and Save the Man.” During the 19th and 20th centuries, federal legislation stripped Native Americans of lands, property, and rights, while federal agencies forbade the practice of indigenous Native American religions. Subsequent courts legitimated the historic claim of European nations to Native American lands pursuant to the “Doctrine of Discovery,” thus ruling these policies either legal or unreviewable. While judicial decisions throughout the 20th century also recognized tribal rights to land, water, and self-government as well as the legal obligation of the federal government to protect tribal resources, these rulings have been inconsistently realized. Throughout the history of the United States, law has articulated, in the language of privilege, right, and moral prescription, American values and visions of ideal relations. As American culture has changed, federal policy has swung back and forth among initiatives to relocate, terminate, assimilate, and appropriate Native American cultures. Religion and law have advanced agendas of conquest and colonization and become means by which Native Americans peoples have resisted those agendas.


Author(s):  
William J. Bauer

This chapter reviews the economic, cultural, and political history of California’s Native American communities. Throughout the twentieth century, scholars considered California Indians to be the United States’ most primitive indigenous people. Yet today, they are among the country’s most economically and politically active indigenous nations. This chapter explains how this economic and political activism is a product of a long history of adapting to changing circumstances. Before the arrival of Europeans, California Indians altered economic practices because of environmental change. Beginning in 1769, California Indians adjusted to the presence of Spanish colonists by using the missions to bolster their economies. In the 1830s and 1840s, California Indians raided Mexican ranchos for horses, which they exchanged with fur traders. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, California Indians worked as migrant laborers in the state’s agribusiness, and today operate some of the most successful gaming resorts in the United States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (8) ◽  
pp. 2039-2044 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gemechu B. Gerbi ◽  
Stranjae Ivory ◽  
Elaine Archie-Booker ◽  
Mechelle D. Claridy ◽  
Stephanie Miles-Richardson

2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances J. Walker ◽  
James A. Singleton ◽  
Pengjun Lu ◽  
Karen G. Wooten ◽  
Raymond A. Strikas

Objectives.We sought to estimate influenza vaccination coverage among healthcare workers (HCWs) in the United States during 1989-2002 and to identify factors associated with vaccination in this group. The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) recommends annual influenza vaccination for HCWs to reduce transmission of influenza to patients at high risk for serious complications of influenza.Design.Analysis of cross-sectional data from 1989-2002 surveys conducted by the National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). The outcome measure was self-reported influenza vaccination in the past 12 months. Bivariate and multivariate analysis of 2002 NHIS data.Setting.Household interviews conducted during 1989-2002, weighted to reflect the noninstitutionalized, civilian US population.Participants.Adults aged 18 years or older participated in the study. A total of 2,089 were employed in healthcare occupations or settings in 2002, and 17,160 were employed in nonhealthcare occupations or settings.Results.The influenza vaccination rate among US HCWs increased from 10.0% in 1989 to 38.4% in 2002, with no significant change since 1997. In a multivariate model that included data from the 2002 NHIS, factors associated with a higher rate of influenza vaccination among HCWs aged 18-64 years included age of 50 years or older (odds ratio [OR], 1.6; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.1-2.1), hospital employee status (OR, 1.5; 95% CI, 1.2-1.9), 1 or more visits to the office of a healthcare professional in the past 12 months (OR, 1.5; 95% CI, 1.1-2.2), receipt of employer-provided health insurance (OR, 1.5; 95% CI, 1.1-2.1), a history of pneumococcal vaccination (OR, 3.9; 95% CI, 2.5-6.1), and history of hepatitis B vaccination (OR, 1.9; 95% CI, 1.4-2.4). Non-Hispanic black persons were less likely to be vaccinated (OR, 0.6; 95% CI, 0.5-0.9) than non-Hispanic white persons. There were no significant differences in vaccination levels according to HCW occupation category.Conclusions.Influenza immunization among HCWs reached a plateau during 1997-2002. New strategies are needed to encourage US HCWs to receive influenza vaccination to prevent influenza illness in themselves and transmission of influenza to vulnerable patients.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELIZABETH HUTCHINSON

Between 1821 and 1842, Charles Bird King painted a series of portraits of Native American diplomats for Thomas L. McKenney, founding Superintendent of Indian Affairs. These pictures were hung in a gallery in McKenney's office in the War Department in Washington, DC, and were later copied by lithographers for inclusion in McKenney and James Hall's History of the Indian Tribes of the United States (1836–44). Significantly, the production and circulation of these portraits straddles a period of tremendous change in the diplomatic interactions between the United States and Native tribes. This essay analyzes a selection of these images for their complex messages about the sovereignty of Indian people and their appropriate interactions with European American culture. Paying particular attention to pictures of leaders of southern nations, including the Cherokee, Creek, and Seminole, I discuss the sitters' strategies of self-fashioning within the context of long-standing cultural exchange in the region. In addition, I offer a reading of the meaning of the Indian gallery as a whole that challenges the conventional wisdom that it is an archive produced exclusively to impose US control on the subjects included, arguing instead for the inclusion of portrait-making within this history of interaction.


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