The public policy issue of homelessness: A review and synthesis of existing research

1994 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Paul Hill
1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Meredith Minkler

Recent attempts to frame complex policy issues in terms of “justice between generations” and “intergenerational equity” are based on a series of questionable assumptions and economic calculations concerning the relative financial well-being of the elderly vis-à-vis other groups in U.S. society. On closer inspection, however, these assumptions—e.g., of a homogeneous and financially secure elderly population and of younger cohorts likely to become increasingly resentful of elderly entitlement programs—appear ill-founded. Census data revealing wide disparities in income among the elderly, and national opinion poll data suggestive of a large cross-generational and cross-ethnic group “stake” in Social Security and Medicare, are used to suggest that the intergenerational equity framework may well be an inappropriate one in the public policy arena. Such a framework, moreover, is seen as deflecting attention from more basic inequities in U.S. society and from the need for major policy shifts in response to these more fundamental problems.


Author(s):  
Gautam Nayer, Ph.D. ◽  
Luis Perez-Feliciano, Ph.D. ◽  
Michael Adams, Ph.D.

Returning from prison can be a daunting experience and a difficult adjustment for anyone. Prisoner reentry programs are needed for public policies advocating for a new approach to an old problem: How do recently released inmates successfully reenter society once they have served their societal debt? There are tremendous obstacles to reentering society, yet housing is among the most pressing reentry problems to solve. In our research, we discuss and consider the public policy issue most pertinent to successful reentry, affordable, and available housing as a necessity for returning inmates. Housing is key to solving even a tiny part of a much bigger problem in criminal justice public policy circles: the public management of crime in America.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jingxi Zhai

The dramatic revelations of the #MeToo movement have ex- posed the extent to which workplace sexual harassment is en- demic and concealed across different industries. #MeToo has also shed light on the use of non-disclosure agreements (“NDAs”) by harassers to conceal their pattern of repeated mis- conduct. While there has been strong public condemnation of NDAs in the wake of the #MeToo movement, there is limited case law on the question of whether contracts such as NDAs are legally enforceable when used to settle claims of sexual har- assment that do not amount to criminal conduct. While federal and state legislatures continue to debate the benefits of legislating against such agreements, this Note ana- lyzes the viability of the common law public policy analysis to hold such NDAs unenforceable. Given that most states do not have specific statutes directly addressing sexual harassment NDAs, courts should look to a broad range of state legislation as relevant in considering the public policy interests counseling toward finding such NDAs unenforceable. Accordingly, this Note analyzes public policy considerations derived from three types of state law: restrictions on the use of NDAs in instances of sexual harassment, prohibitions of workplace harassment, and limitations on the concealment of public hazards. Even in states without any such legislation, this Note urges state courts, when determining whether to enforce sexual har- assment NDAs, to more actively weigh the benefits of enforcing the contractual will of private parties against potential harms to the public welfare. Workplace sexual harassment is a public policy issue that is worsened by the continued use of NDAs. In concealing workplace sexual misconduct, NDAs prevent soci- ety, through private and state actors, from addressing the problem itself and threaten public safety and welfare by allow- ing offenders to potentially harm future workers. Without NDAs as protection, companies will be exposed to reputational damage and potential shareholder litigation when sexual har- assment news becomes public knowledge. Indeed, this threat of future reputational harm could be an effective way to encour- age corporations to change their internal policies relating to workplace misconduct.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 341-345
Author(s):  
Lucinda A. Low

With the rise of corruption as a subject of international instruments and the convergence of obligations around its prevention, detection, and remediation in both the public and private sectors, corruption has increasingly figured as an issue in international arbitration. Indeed, its acceptance as a public policy issue at both the international and transnational levels has resulted in the need for tribunals, in both commercial and investor-state disputes, to grapple with questions of jurisdiction, admissibility, and consequences, as well as standards of proof. As this essay demonstrates, the challenges presented by the issue of corruption pose special difficulties for arbitration. Time will tell if tribunals will move from their current largely binary, all-or-nothing approach to a more nuanced one based on proportionality.


1993 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 412-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph D. Keefer

The news media can provide information that makes it easier for citizens to express their views to members of Congress who are considering a public policy issue. This study examined coverage of eight major issues in the House of Representatives by nine news media organizations, and it found that the news media serve to hinder - rather than facilitate - citizen participation in the congressional policymaking process. The news media rarely explained the implications of a pending issue, rarely alerted the public to a forthcoming vote on an issue and never described the views of a local congressman on an issue.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teemu Kautonen ◽  
Simon Down ◽  
Friederike Welter ◽  
Pekka Vainio ◽  
Jenni Palmroos ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
George C. Edwards

This chapter examines how the president exploits existing opinion on policies by showing the public how its views are compatible with his policies or by increasing the salience of White House initiatives that are popular with the public. Using Abraham Lincoln as an example, the chapter explains how the president can exploit the congruence of the public’s views with those of the White House by articulating opinion in a way that clarifies its policy implications and shows the public that its wishes are consistent with his policies. It also considers how framing and priming allows the president to define what a public policy issue is about, citing the experiences of Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and media resistance to the White House’s framing of issues. Finally, it shows how the president can influence fluid public opinion by analyzing Ronald Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative and George W. Bush’s stem cell research policy.


Author(s):  
Eduardo H. Calvillo Gámez ◽  
Rodrigo Nieto-Gómez

In this chapter, the authors play the devil‘s advocate to those who favor strict government supervision over technology itself. The authors’ argument is that technology is a “neutral” mean to an end, and that the use of technology to detract social deviations is dependent on public policy and social behavior. To elaborate their argument they propose the concept of “illicit appropriation”, based on the Human Computer Interaction concept of appropriation. The authors argue that sometimes appropriation can be geared towards activities that can be considered as illicit, and in some cases criminal. They illustrate the use of illicit appropriation through a series of case studies of current events, in which they show that either a state or the individual can rely on illicit appropriation. The authors’ final conclusion is that the use of technology to combat social deviations is not a technological problem, but a public policy issue, where a delicate balance has to be found between the enforcement of the law by technological means (approved by legislation), the user experience, the civil liberties of the individual and the checks and balances to the power of the state. This chapter is written from the expertise of the authors on Human Computer Interaction and Security Studies.


1993 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Craig Andrews ◽  
Richard G. Netemeyer ◽  
Srinivas Durvasula

The authors examine an important public policy issue, namely, the effectiveness of federally mandated and proposed alcohol warning labels. Specifically, warning label cognitive responses are tested as mediators of effects of five different alcohol warning label types on label attitudes. On the basis of requirements for ANOVA-based mediation, net support arguments mediated 76% of the warning label treatment effect on label attitudes. Following requirements for regression-based mediation, net support arguments mediated the relationship from attitude toward drinking to label attitudes. Public policy implications and future research directions are provided.


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